The New York Times Current History of the European War, Vol. 1, January 9, 1915 | Page 7

a
Judas kiss. Professions of peace belong to the cant of diplomacy and
have always characterized the most bellicose of nations.
No war in modern times has been begun without the aggressor
pretending that his nation wished nothing but peace and invoking
Divine aid for its murderous policy. To paraphrase the words of Lady
Teazle on a noted occasion when Sir Joseph Surface talked much of
"honor," it might be as well in such instances to leave the name of God
out of the question.
Let us, then, analyze the record as already made up; and for the sake of
clearness the events which preceded the war will be considered
chronologically.
Immediately upon the receipt of the ultimatum in St. Petersburg on July
24, the Russian Minister of Foreign Affairs, in a formal communication
to Austria-Hungary, suggested that the abrupt time limit "leaves to the
powers a delay entirely insufficient to undertake any useful steps
whatever for the straightening out of the complications that have
arisen," and added:
"To prevent the incalculable consequences, equally disastrous for all
the powers, which can follow the method of action of the
Austro-Hungarian Government, it seems indispensable to us that, above
all, the delay given to Servia to reply should be extended."
Sazonof further suggested that time should be given for the powers to
examine the results of the inquiry that the Austro-Hungarian
Government had made in the matter of the Serajevo assassination, and
stated that if the powers were convinced
"of the well-groundedness of certain of the Austrian demands they

would find themselves in a position to send to the Servian Government
consequential advice."
He justly observes that
"a refusal to extend the terms of the ultimatum ... would be in
contradiction with the very bases of international relations."
[Russian "Orange Paper," No. 4.]
Could any court question the justice of this contention? The peace of
the world was at stake. Time only was asked to see what could be done
to preserve that peace and satisfy Austria's grievances to the uttermost
farthing.
Concurrently with Sazonof's plea for a little time to preserve the peace
of the world, Sir Edward Grey had seen the German Ambassador on
July 24 and had suggested to him that the only method of preventing
the catastrophe was
"that the four powers, Germany, France, Italy, and ourselves, (England,)
should work together simultaneously at Vienna and St. Petersburg."
[English "White Paper," No. 11.]
Germany had only to intimate to Austria that "a decent respect to the
opinions of mankind," as well as common courtesy to great and
friendly nations, required that sufficient time be given not only to
Servia, but to the other nations, to concert for the common good,
especially as the period was one of Summer dullness and many of the
leading rulers and statesmen were absent from their respective capitals.
Under these circumstances was it not natural that Russia should
announce on July 24
"that any action taken by Austria to humiliate Servia would not leave
Russia indifferent,"
and that on the same day the Russian Chargé d'Affaires at Vienna

suggested to the Austrian Foreign Office
"that the Austrian note was drawn up in a form rendering it impossible
of acceptance as it stood, and that it was both unusual and peremptory
in its terms"?
To which the only reply of the Austrian Foreign Minister was that their
representative in Servia
"was under instructions to leave Belgrade unless Austrian demands
were accepted in their integrity by 4 P.M. tomorrow."
[English "White Paper," No. 7.]
Austria's only concession then or subsequently to the cause of peace
was the assurance that Austria would not after its conquest of Servia
demand any territory.
The action of Germany on this day, July 24, is most significant. Its
Ambassador in England communicated a note to Sir Edward Grey in
which it justified Austro-Hungarian grievances and ultimatum by
saying that
"under these circumstances the course of procedure and demands of the
Austro-Hungarian Government can only be regarded as equitable and
moderate."
The note added:
"The Imperial Government [Germany] want to emphasize their opinion
that in the present case there is only question of a matter to be settled
exclusively between Austria-Hungary and Servia, and that the great
powers ought seriously to endeavor to reserve it to those two
immediately concerned."
[English "White Paper," No. 9.]
On July 25, probably to the great surprise of both Germany and Austria,
which had definitely calculated upon Servians non-compliance with the

ultimatum, the latter country, under the conciliatory advice of Russia
and England, made a reply in which, at some sacrifice of its self-respect
as a sovereign State, it substantially accepted all but one of the
demands of Austria, and as to that it did not, in terms, refuse it, but
expressed its willingness to refer it either to