Egypt. That country had for many centuries 
formed an integral part of the Turkish Empire. But she had been rapidly 
slipping from the grasp of the Turk. Early in the nineteenth century 
Mohamed Ali had effectually thrown off the Turkish yoke. True, the 
Turkish suzerainty remained; but that authority was little more than 
nominal and was represented by an annual money tribute paid to the 
Porte by the Khedive out of the revenues of Egypt. 
Both France and England had large financial interests in Egypt, 
especially after the construction of the Suez Canal, which was opened 
for traffic in 1869.
The Suez Canal, in fact, became of vital importance to Great Britain. 
By a stroke of policy the British Government acquired the shares of the 
almost bankrupt Khedive, Ismail Pasha, and thus had a holding in the 
company worth several million pounds. But far more important to 
Britain was the position of the Canal as the great artery of the British 
Empire, the most vulnerable point on the short sea route to India. Thus 
Britain became directly concerned in the affairs of Egypt, in its internal 
administration to secure peace within, and in its military defence to 
secure the country in general, and the Canal zone in particular, from 
invasion by a foreign enemy. 
But the affairs of Egypt were in a most unsatisfactory condition. The 
army was wholly unreliable, and extravagance in high places had 
brought the exchequer to the verge of bankruptcy. In 1882 matters 
reached a crisis. A revolution broke out, headed by Arabi Pasha, and 
the situation looked desperate. Joint naval and military action by 
Britain and France was proposed, but the French ships sailed away and 
left Britain with a free hand. The British fleet bombarded the Forts at 
Alexandria and a military force, based on the Suez Canal, was landed at 
Ismailia. This force completely defeated the army of Arabi Pasha at 
Tel-el-Kebir, put down the rebellion, and restored the government of 
the then Khedive, Tewfik Pasha. But the Khedivial government had 
been unable to cope with the rebellion single-handed; it had only been 
restored to power by British arms; it could not hope to retain that power 
unless continuously backed by the power of Britain. 
From this time forward, whether she liked it or not, Britain found 
herself effectually saddled with the direction of the government of 
Egypt. In this position she became more fully confirmed by the 
Anglo-Egyptian military operations against the Soudan in 1885, under 
Gordon, and in 1898, under Kitchener. Outstanding differences with 
France were dispelled on the conclusion of the Anglo-French Entente 
Cordiale, and Britain was left virtually mistress of Egypt. 
Let us look for a minute at the military geography of Egypt, 
particularly with regard to the security of her frontiers from invasion. 
Egypt consists, or prior to the seventies consisted, of the Nile, its valley
and delta, and the country rendered fertile by that river. On either side 
of this fertile belt is dry, barren desert. On the north is the 
Mediterranean Sea, and on the south the tropical Soudan. Thus, in the 
hands of a power that holds the command of the sea, Egypt is well 
adapted for defence. The tropical Soudan makes a well-nigh impossible 
line of advance for a large hostile force from the south, and the routes 
of approach from the east and from the west, across the waterless 
deserts, present obstacles scarcely less formidable. Since the seventies, 
however, another important factor has entered the problem, namely, the 
Suez Canal and the area of cultivation and civilization which has 
sprung up along its banks. The large amount of fresh water required for 
the maintenance of the Canal, for the use of the towns that have sprung 
up along its banks, and for the existence of the large population which 
the Canal has attracted, is brought by a Canal known as the Sweet 
Water Canal, from the river Nile. This Sweet Water Canal, and the 
piped services which it supplied, were, in 1914, wholly upon the 
western or Egyptian side of the Suez Canal. This western side was also 
well provided with communications. Trunk railways connected Ismailia, 
at the centre of the Canal, with Cairo and Alexandria, and lateral 
railways, running along the whole length of the Canal, connected it 
with Port Said and Suez. 
Although, as was subsequently discovered, the problem of defending 
the Suez Canal was by no means the same as that of defending Egypt, 
the problems may, at first sight, appear identical. An enemy force 
moving from Palestine against the Suez Canal and Egypt, would have 
to cross a comparatively waterless desert for a distance of over a 
hundred miles. On coming into collision with the defenders of the 
Canal, such an enemy would be operating far from his base, with a    
    
		
	
	
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