The Writings of Abraham Lincoln, vol 2 | Page 6

judge from what a single one of them told me. It was this: "We are not
to do evil that good may come." This general proposition is doubtless
correct; but did it apply? If by your votes you could have prevented the
extension, etc., of slavery would it not have been good, and not evil, so
to have used your votes, even though it involved the casting of them for
a slaveholder? By the fruit the tree is to be known. An evil tree cannot
bring forth good fruit. If the fruit of electing Mr. Clay would have been
to prevent the extension of slavery, could the act of electing have been
evil?
But I will not argue further. I perhaps ought to say that individually I
never was much interested in the Texas question. I never could see
much good to come of annexation, inasmuch as they were already a
free republican people on our own model. On the other hand, I never
could very clearly see how the annexation would augment the evil of
slavery. It always seemed to me that slaves would be taken there in
about equal numbers, with or without annexation. And if more were
taken because of annexation, still there would be just so many the fewer
left where they were taken from. It is possibly true, to some extent, that,
with annexation, some slaves may be sent to Texas and continued in
slavery that otherwise might have been liberated. To whatever extent
this may be true, I think annexation an evil. I hold it to be a paramount
duty of us in the free States, due to the Union of the States, and perhaps
to liberty itself (paradox though it may seem), to let the slavery of the
other States alone; while, on the other hand, I hold it to be equally clear
that we should never knowingly lend ourselves, directly or indirectly,
to prevent that slavery from dying a natural death-- to find new places
for it to live in when it can no longer exist in the old. Of course I am
not now considering what would be our duty in cases of insurrection
among the slaves. To recur to the Texas question, I understand the

Liberty men to have viewed annexation as a much greater evil than
ever I did; and I would like to convince you, if I could, that they could
have prevented it, if they had chosen. I intend this letter for you and
Madison together; and if you and he or either shall think fit to drop me
a line, I shall be pleased.
Yours with respect,
A. LINCOLN.

1846
REQUEST FOR POLITICAL SUPPORT
TO Dr. ROBERT BOAL. SPRINGFIELD, January 7, 1846.
Dr. ROBERT BOAL, Lacon, Ill.
DEAR DOCTOR:--Since I saw you last fall, I have often thought of
writing to you, as it was then understood I would, but, on reflection, I
have always found that I had nothing new to tell you. All has happened
as I then told you I expected it would-- Baker's declining, Hardin's
taking the track, and so on.
If Hardin and I stood precisely equal, if neither of us had been to
Congress, or if we both had, it would only accord with what I have
always done, for the sake of peace, to give way to him; and I expect I
should do it. That I can voluntarily postpone my pretensions, when they
are no more than equal to those to which they are postponed, you have
yourself seen. But to yield to Hardin under present circumstances
seems to me as nothing else than yielding to one who would gladly
sacrifice me altogether. This I would rather not submit to. That Hardin
is talented, energetic, usually generous and magnanimous, I have
before this affirmed to you and do not deny. You know that my only
argument is that "turn about is fair play." This he, practically at least,
denies.
If it would not be taxing you too much, I wish you would write me,
telling the aspect of things in your country, or rather your district; and
also, send the names of some of your Whig neighbors, to whom I might,
with propriety, write. Unless I can get some one to do this, Hardin, with
his old franking list, will have the advantage of me. My reliance for a
fair shake (and I want nothing more) in your country is chiefly on you,
because of your position and standing, and because I am acquainted
with so few others. Let me hear from you soon.

Yours truly,
A. LINCOLN.

TO JOHN BENNETT.
SPRINGFIELD, Jan. 15, 1846.
JOHN BENNETT.
FRIEND JOHN:
Nathan Dresser is here, and speaks as though the contest between
Hardin and me is to be doubtful in