The Writings of Abraham Lincoln, vol 2 | Page 5

Abraham Lincoln
and restrain their friends in the same it seems to
me that on reflection you will see the fact of your having been in
Congress has, in various ways, so spread your name in the district as to
give you a decided advantage in such a stipulation. I appreciate your
desire to keep down excitement; and I promise you to "keep cool"
under all circumstances.
4th. I have already said I am satisfied with the old system under which
such good men have triumphed and that I desire no departure from its
principles. But if there must be a departure from it, I shall insist upon a
more accurate and just apportionment of delegates, or representative
votes, to the constituent body, than exists by the old, and which you
propose to retain in your new plan. If we take the entire population of
the counties as shown by the late census, we shall see by the old plan,
and by your proposed new plan,
Morgan County, with a population 16,541, has but ....... 8 votes While
Sangamon with 18,697--2156 greater has but ....... 8 " So Scott with
6553 has ................................. 4 " While Tazewell with 7615 1062
greater has but .......... 4 " So Mason with 3135 has .................................
1 vote While Logan with 3907, 772 greater, has but ............ 1 "
And so on in a less degree the matter runs through all the counties,
being not only wrong in principle, but the advantage of it being all
manifestly in your favor with one slight exception, in the comparison of
two counties not here mentioned.
Again, if we take the Whig votes of the counties as shown by the late
Presidential election as a basis, the thing is still worse.
It seems to me most obvious that the old system needs adjustment in
nothing so much as in this; and still, by your proposal, no notice is
taken of it. I have always been in the habit of acceding to almost any
proposal that a friend would make and I am truly sorry that I cannot in
this. I perhaps ought to mention that some friends at different places are
endeavoring to secure the honor of the sitting of the convention at their
towns respectively, and I fear that they would not feel much
complimented if we shall make a bargain that it should sit nowhere.
Yours as ever,

A. LINCOLN.

TO _________ WILLIAMS,
SPRINGFIELD, March 1, 1845.
FRIEND WILLIAMS:
The Supreme Court adjourned this morning for the term. Your cases of
Reinhardt vs. Schuyler, Bunce vs. Schuyler, Dickhut vs. Dunell, and
Sullivan vs. Andrews are continued. Hinman vs. Pope I wrote you
concerning some time ago. McNutt et al. vs. Bean and Thompson is
reversed and remanded.
Fitzpatrick vs. Brady et al. is reversed and remanded with leave to
complainant to amend his bill so as to show the real consideration
given for the land.
Bunce against Graves the court confirmed, wherefore, in accordance
with your directions, I moved to have the case remanded to enable you
to take a new trial in the court below. The court allowed the motion; of
which I am glad, and I guess you are.
This, I believe, is all as to court business. The canal men have got their
measure through the Legislature pretty much or quite in the shape they
desired. Nothing else now.
Yours as ever,
A. LINCOLN.

ABOLITION MOVEMENT
TO WILLIAMSON DURLEY.
SPRINGFIELD, October 3, 1845
When I saw you at home, it was agreed that I should write to you and
your brother Madison. Until I then saw you I was not aware of your
being what is generally called an abolitionist, or, as you call yourself, a
Liberty man, though I well knew there were many such in your
country.
I was glad to hear that you intended to attempt to bring about, at the
next election in Putnam, a Union of the Whigs proper and such of the
Liberty men as are Whigs in principle on all questions save only that of
slavery. So far as I can perceive, by such union neither party need yield
anything on the point in difference between them. If the Whig

abolitionists of New York had voted with us last fall, Mr. Clay would
now be President, Whig principles in the ascendant, and Texas not
annexed; whereas, by the division, all that either had at stake in the
contest was lost. And, indeed, it was extremely probable, beforehand,
that such would be the result. As I always understood, the Liberty men
deprecated the annexation of Texas extremely; and this being so, why
they should refuse to cast their votes [so] as to prevent it, even to me
seemed wonderful. What was their process of reasoning, I can only
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