The Land-War In Ireland (1870) | Page 3

indebted to other writers, I have acknowledged my obligation in the course of the work. In preparing it, I have had but one object constantly in view: to present to the public a careful collection and an impartial statement of facts on the state of Ireland, for the right government of which the British people are now more than ever responsible. I shall be thankful if my labours should contribute in any measure, however humble, to the new conquest of Ireland 'by justice' of which Mr. Bright has spoken. His language is suggestive. It is late (happily not 'too late') to commence the reign of justice. But the nation is not to be despised which requires nothing more than that to win its heart, while its spirit could not be conquered by centuries of injustice. Nor should it be forgotten by the people of England that some atonement is due for past wrongs, not the least of which is the vilification and distrust from which the Irish people have suffered so much. 'The spirit of a man may sustain his infirmity; but a wounded spirit who can bear?' Some manifestation of Christian magnanimity just now would greatly help the work of national reconciliation. The time is favourable. The Government enjoys the prestige of an unparalleled success. The only Prime Minister that ever dared to do full justice to Ireland, is the most powerful that England has had for nearly a century. He has in his Cabinet the only Chief Secretary of Ireland that ever thoroughly sympathised with the nation, not excepting Lord Morpeth; the great tribune of the English people, who has been one of the most eloquent advocates of Ireland; an Ex-Viceroy who has pronounced it felony for the Irish landlords to avail themselves of their legal rights, although he put down a rebellion which that felony mainly provoked; another Ex-Governor, who was one of the most earnest and conscientious that ever filled the viceregal throne, and who returned to Parliament to be one of the ablest champions of the country he had ruled so well; not to mention other members of commanding ability, who are solemnly pledged to the policy of justice. In these facts there is great promise. He understands little of 'the signs of the times,' who does not see the dangers that hang on the non-fulfilment of this promise.
J.G.
LONDON: _January 20_, 1870.

CONTENTS.
I. INTRODUCTION
II. THE RULE OF THE O'NEILLS
III. SHANE O'NEILL, SOVEREIGN OF ULSTER
IV. EXTERMINATING WARS
V. AN IRISH CRUSADE
VI. THE LAST OF THE IRISH PRINCES
VII. GOVERNMENT APPEALS TO THE PEOPLE
VIII. THE CASE OF THE FUGITIVE EARLS
IX. THE CONFISCATION OF ULSTER
X. THE PLANTATION OF ULSTER
XI. THE REBELLION OF 1641
XII. THE PURITAN PLANTATION
XIII. THE PENAL CODE. A NEW SYSTEM OF LAND WAR
XIV. ULSTER IN THE EIGHTEENTH CENTURY
XV. POVERTY AND COERCION
XVI. THE FAMINE
XVII. TENANT-RIGHT IN ULSTER
XVIII. TENANT-RIGHT IN DOWN
XIX. TENANT-RIGHT IN ANTRIM
XX. TENANT-RIGHT IN ARMAGH
XXI. FAKNEY--MR. TRENCH'S 'REALITIES'
XXII. BELFAST AND PERPETUITY
XXIII. LEASE-BREAKING--GEASHILL
XXIV. THE LAND SYSTEM AND THE WORKING CLASSES
XXV. CONCLUSION--AN APPEAL TO ENGLISHMEN
XVIII. TENANT-RIGHT IN DOWN 313
XIX. TENANT-RIGHT IN ANTRIM 328
XX. TENANT-RIGHT IN ARMAGH 346
XXI. FAKNEY--MR. TRENCH'S 'REALITIES' 356
XXII. BELFAST AND PERPETUITY 381
XXIII. LEASE-BREAKING--GEASHILL 387
XXIV. THE LAND SYSTEM AND THE WORKING CLASSES 401
XXV. CONCLUSION--AN APPEAL TO ENGLISHMEN 424

THE LAND-WAR IN IRELAND.

CHAPTER I.
INTRODUCTION.
As the hour approaches when the legislature must deal with the Irish Land question, and settle it, like the Irish Church question, once for all, attempts are redoubled to frighten the public with the difficulties of the task. The alarmists conjure up gigantic apparitions more formidable than those which encountered Bunyan's Pilgrim. Monstrous figures frown along the gloomy avenue that, leads up to the Egyptian temple in which the divinity, PROPERTY, dwells in mysterious darkness. To enter the sanctuary, we are solemnly assured, requires all the cardinal virtues in their highest state of development--the firmest faith, the most vivid hope, and the charity that never faileth. But this is not the only country that has had a land question to settle. Almost every nation in Europe has done for itself what England is now palled upon to do for Ireland. In fact, it is a necessary process in the transition from feudalism to constitutional self-government. Feudalism gave the land to a few whom it made princes and lords, having forcibly taken it from the many, whom it made subjects and serfs. The land is the natural basis of society. The Normans made it the artificial basis of a class. Society in nearly every other country has reverted back to its original foundations, and so remains firm and strong without dangerous rents or fissures. No doubt, the operation is difficult and critical. But what has been done once may be done again; and as it was England that kept Irish society so long rocking on its smaller end, it is her duty now to lend all her strength to