In the World War | Page 4

Count Ottokar Czernin
was notorious that the Roumanians tore
their Bulgarian prisoners to pieces with their teeth, and that the
Bulgarians, on their part, tortured the Roumanian prisoners to death in
the most shocking manner. The brutality of the Serbians in the war can
best be described by our own troops. The Emperor Francis Joseph
clearly foresaw that the peace after the second Balkan war was merely
a respite to draw breath before a new war. Prior to my departure for
Bucharest in 1913 I was received in audience by the aged emperor, who
said to me: "The Peace of Bucharest is untenable, and we are faced by a
new war. God grant that it may be confined to the Balkans." Serbia,

which had been enlarged to double its size, was far from being satisfied;
but, on the contrary, was more than ever ambitious of becoming a Great
Power.
Apparently the situation was still quiet. In fact, a few weeks before the
catastrophe at Sarajevo the prevailing state of affairs showed almost an
improvement in the relations between Vienna and Belgrade. But it was
the calm before the storm. On June 28 the veil was rent asunder, and
from one moment to the next a catastrophe threatened the world. The
stone had started rolling.
At that time I was ambassador to Roumania. I was therefore only able
from a distance to watch developments in Vienna and Berlin.
Subsequently, however, I discussed events in those critical days with
numerous leading personalities, and from all that I heard have been
able to form a definite and clear view of the proceedings. I have no
doubt whatever that Berchtold, even in his dreams, had never thought
of a world war of such dimensions as it assumed; that he, above all,
was persuaded that England would remain neutral; and the German
Ambassador, Tschirsky, confirmed him in the conviction that a war
against France and Russia would inevitably end in victory. I believe
that the state of mind in which Count Berchtold addressed the
ultimatum to Serbia was such that he said to himself, either--and this is
the most favourable view--Serbia will accept the ultimatum, which
would mean a great diplomatic success; or she will refuse it, and then,
thanks to Germany's help, the victorious war against Russia and France
will effect the birth of a new and vastly stronger Monarchy. It cannot
for a moment be denied that this argument contained a series of errors;
but it must be stated that, according to my convictions, Count
Berchtold did not intend to incite war by the ultimatum, but hoped to
the very last to gain the victory by the pen, and that in the German
promises he saw a guarantee against a war in which the participators
and the chances of victory were equally erroneously estimated.
Berchtold could not have entertained any doubt that a Serbian war
would bring a Russian one in its train. At any rate, the reports sent by
my brother, who was a business man in Petersburg, left him in no doubt

on the matter.
Serbia's acceptance of the ultimatum was only partial, and the Serbian
war broke out. Russia armed and joined in. But at this moment
extremely important events took place.
On July 30, at midday, Tschirsky spoke in the Ministry of Foreign
Affairs, and communicated to Berchtold the contents of a telegram
received from Lichnowsky. This important telegram contained the
following: He (Lichnowsky) had just returned from seeing Grey, who
was very grave, but perfectly collected, though pointing out that the
situation was becoming more and more complicated. Sassonoff had
intimated that after the declaration of war he was no longer in a
position to negotiate direct with Austria-Hungary, and requested
England to resume proceedings, the temporary cessation of hostilities
to be taken for granted. Grey proposed a negotiation between four, as it
appeared possible to him (Grey) that Austria-Hungary, after occupying
Belgrade, would state her terms.
To this Grey added a private comment, calling Lichnowsky's attention
to the fact that a war between Russia and Austria-Hungary would
facilitate England's neutrality, but that the conditions would inevitably
change in the event of Germany and France being involved. Public
opinion in England, which after the assassination was very favourable
to Austria, was now beginning to fluctuate, as it was difficult to
understand Austria's obstinacy.
Lichnowsky also added that Grey had told the Italian Ambassador that
he thought Austria would receive every satisfaction on accepting
negotiation. In any case the Serbians would be punished. Even without
a war Austria would receive a guarantee for the future.
Such were the contents of the communication from London sent by
Tschirsky, to which Bethmann added that he urgently requested the
Vienna Cabinet to accept the negotiation. On receiving this information,
Berchtold conveyed the news to the Emperor. His
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