History of the Early Part of the Reign of James the Second | Page 3

with an estate heavily encumbered and an empty pocket.

H. M.

INTRODUCTORY CHAPTER.
Introductory observations--First period, from Henry VII. to the year
1588--Second period, from 1588 to 1640--Meeting of
Parliament--Redress of grievances--Strafford's attainder--The
commencement of the Civil War--Treaty from the Isle of Wight--The
king's execution--Cromwell's power; his character--Indifference of the
nation respecting forms of government--The Restoration--Ministry of
Clarendon sod Southampton--Cabal--Dutch War--De Witt--The Prince
of Orange--The Popish plot--The Habeas Corpus Act--The Exclusion
Bill--Dissolution of Charles the Second's last Parliament--His power;
his tyranny in Scotland; in England--Exorbitant
fines--Executions--Forfeitures of charters--Despotism
established--Despondency of good men--Charles's death; his
character--Reflections upon the probable consequences of his reign and
death.
In reading the history of every country there are certain periods at
which the mind naturally pauses to meditate upon, and consider them,
with reference, not only to their immediate effects, but to their more
remote consequences. After the wars of Marius and Sylla, and the
incorporation, as it were, of all Italy with the city of Rome, we cannot
but stop to consider the consequences likely to result from these
important events; and in this instance we find them to be just such as
might have been expected.
The reign of our Henry VII. affords a field of more doubtful
speculation. Every one who takes a retrospective view of the wars of
York and Lancaster, and attends to the regulations effected by the
policy of that prince, must see they would necessarily lead to great and
important changes in the government; but what the tendency of such
changes would be, and much more, in what manner they would be
produced, might be a question of great difficulty. It is now the
generally received opinion, and I think a probable opinion, that to the

provisions of that reign we are to refer the origin, both of the unlimited
power of the Tudors and of the liberties wrested by our ancestors from
the Stuarts; that tyranny was their immediate, and liberty their remote,
consequence; but he must have great confidence in his own sagacity
who can satisfy himself that, unaided by the knowledge of subsequent
events, he could, from a consideration of the causes, have foreseen the
succession of effects so different.
Another period that affords ample scope for speculation of this kind is
that which is comprised between the years 1588 and 1640, a period of
almost uninterrupted tranquillity and peace. The general improvement
in all arts of civil life, and, above all, the astonishing progress of
literature, are the most striking among the general features of that
period, and are in themselves causes sufficient to produce effects of the
utmost importance. A country whose language was enriched by the
works of Hooker, Raleigh, and Bacon, could not but experience a
sensible change in its manners and in its style of thinking; and even to
speak the same language in which Spenser and Shakespeare had written
seemed a sufficient plea to rescue the commons of England from the
appellation of brutes, with which Henry VIII. had addressed them.
Among the more particular effects of this general improvement the
most material and worthy to be considered appear to me to have been
the frequency of debate in the House of Commons, and the additional
value that came to be set on a seat in that assembly.
From these circumstances a sagacious observer may be led to expect
the most important revolutions; and from the latter he may be enabled
to foresee that the House of Commons will be the principal instrument
in bringing them to pass. But in what manner will that house conduct
itself? Will it content itself with its regular share of legislative power,
and with the influence which it cannot fail to possess whenever it exerts
itself upon the other branches of the legislative, and on the executive
power; or will it boldly (perhaps rashly) pretend to a power
commensurate with the natural rights of the representative of the people?
If it should, will it not be obliged to support its claims by military force?
And how long will such a force be under its control? How long before
it follows the usual course of all armies, and ranges itself under a single

master? If such a master should arise, will he establish an hereditary or
an elective government? If the first, what will be gained but a change of
dynasty? If the second, will not the military force, as it chose the first
king or protector (the name is of no importance), choose in effect all his
successors? Or will he fail, and shall we have a restoration, usually the
most dangerous and worst of all revolutions? To some of these
questions the answers may, from the experience of past ages, be easy,
but to many of them far otherwise. And he will read history