Handbook of Home Rule | Page 5

place in the country, or when the Irish
Government take any action which is displeasing to the Nationalists,

resolutions are discussed and carried in a spirit of sharp hostility to the
Government.
In Parliamentary elections we also find clear evidence of the strength of
the Nationalists, and the extreme weakness of their opponents. This is a
test which those who accept popular representative government cannot
disregard, particularly at an election when for the first time the new
constituencies were called upon to exercise the privileges entrusted to
them by Parliament. Such was the election of 1885, followed in 1886
by another General Election. In 1885 contests took place in most of the
Irish constituencies. They were between Liberals allied with
Conservatives, and Parnellites. In 1886 the contests were between those
who called themselves Unionists and Parnellites, and the Irish policy of
Mr. Gladstone was specially referred to the electors.
In regard to the number of members returned on the two sides, the
result of each election was almost identical, but in 1886 there were
fewer contests. We may, then, assume that the relative forces of
Parnellites and Unionists were accurately represented at the election of
1885. If we take the votes at the election of 1885 for candidates
standing as Nationalists, we shall find, roughly speaking, that they
obtained in round numbers about 300,000 votes, and candidates who
stood either as Liberals or Conservatives about 143,000. But the case is
really stronger than these figures represent it, because in some
constituencies the contests were between Liberals and Conservatives,
and there can be no doubt that in those constituencies a number of
Nationalist votes were given for one or both of such candidates--votes
which, therefore, would have to be deducted from the 143,000, leaving
a still heavier majority on the Nationalist side.[1]
If we look at individual constituencies, we find that in South Kerry
only 133 persons voted for the "Unionist" candidate, while 2742 voted
for the Nationalist. In six out of seven constituencies in Cork where
contests took place 27,692 votes were given for the Nationalists, and
only 1703 for their opponents. In Dublin, in the division which may be
considered the West End constituency of the Irish metropolis, the most
successful man of commerce in Ireland, a leader of society, whose

liberality towards those in his employment is only equalled by his
munificence in all public works, was defeated by over 1900 votes. He
did not stand in 1886, but his successor was defeated by a still larger
majority. These elections show the numbers in Ireland on which the
Government and those who oppose Mr. Parnell's policy can count for
support.
It is absurd to say that these results are caused by terrorism exercised
over the minds of the electors by the agitators in Ireland; the same
results occurred in every part of three provinces, and in part of Ulster,
and the universality of the feeling proves the dominant feeling of the
Irish electors. They show the extreme difficulty, the impossibility, of
gaining that support and confidence which a Government needs in a
free country. As it is, the Irish Government stands isolated in Ireland,
and relies for support solely on England. Is a policy opposed to national
feeling, which has been often, and by different Ministers, tried in
Ireland, likely to succeed in the hands of a Government such as I have
described, and isolated, as I think few will deny it to be? It is
impossible in the long run to maintain it. The roots of strength are
wanting.
If we turn from Dublin to London, we do not find greater prospects of
success. Twice within fourteen months Lord Salisbury has formed a
Government. In 1885 his Cabinet, on taking office, deliberately decided
to rule Ireland without exceptional laws; after a few months, they
announced that they must ask Parliament for fresh powers. They
resigned before they had defined their measures. But within six months
Lord Salisbury was once more Prime Minister, and again commenced
his administration by governing Ireland under the ordinary law. This
attempt did not continue longer than the first, for when Parliament met
in 1887, preparations were at once made to carry the Criminal Law
Amendment Act, which occupied so large a portion of the late Session.
This is not the action of men who have strong faith in their principles.
Nor can it be shown that the continuous support so necessary for
success will be given to this policy. No doubt it may be urged that the
operation of the Act is not limited in duration; but, notwithstanding that,

few politicians believe that the constituencies of Great Britain will long
support the application of exceptional criminal laws to any part of the
United Kingdom.
This would be wholly inconsistent with past experience In relation to