Crusaders of New France | Page 3

but it did not hold the Cardinal's interest very long.
Mazarin, who succeeded Richelieu, took no interest in the New World;
the tortuous problems of European diplomacy appealed far more
strongly to his Italian imagination than did the vision of a New France
beyond the seas. It was not until Colbert took the reins that official
France really displayed an interest in the work of colonization at all
proportionate to the nation's power and resources.
Colbert was admirably fitted to become the herald of a greater France.
Coming from the ranks of the _bourgeoisie_, he was a man of affairs,
not a cleric or a courtier as his predecessors in office had been. He had
a clear conception of what he wanted and unwearied industry in
moving towards the desired end. His devotion to the King was beyond
question; he had native ability, patience, sound ideas, and a firm will.
Given a fair opportunity, he would have accomplished far more for the
glory of the fleur-de-lis in the region of the St. Lawrence and the Great
Lakes of America. But a thousand problems of home administration
were crowded upon him, problems of finance, of industry, of
ecclesiastical adjustment, and of social reconstruction. In the first few
years of his term as minister he could still find a little time and thought
for Canada, and during this short period he personally conducted the
correspondence with the colonial officials; but after 1669 all this was
turned over to the Minister of Marine, and Colbert himself figured
directly in the affairs of the colony no more. The great minister of
Louis XIV is remembered far more for his work at home than for his
services to New France.
As for the French monarchs of the seventeenth century, Louis XIV was
the first and only one to take an active and enduring interest in the great
crusade to the northern wilderness. He began his personal reign about
1660 with a genuine display of zeal for the establishment of a colony
which would by its rapid growth and prosperity soon crowd the English
off the new continent. In the selection of officials to carry out his policy,

his judgment, when not subjected to sinister pressure, was excellent, as
shown in his choice of Frontenac. Nor did the King's interest in the
colony slacken in the face of discouragement. It kept on to the end of
his reign, although diminishing somewhat towards the close. It could
not well do otherwise than weaken during the European disasters which
marked his later years. By the death of Louis XIV in 1715 the colony
lost its most unwavering friend. The shrewdest of French historians, De
Tocqueville, has somewhere remarked that "the physiognomy of a
government may be best judged in the colonies.... When I wish to study
the spirit and faults of the administration of Louis XIV," he writes, "I
must go to Canada, for its deformity is there seen as through a
microscope." That is entirely true. The history of New France in its
picturesque alternation of sunshine and shadow, of victory and defeat,
of pageant and tragedy, is a chronicle that is Gallic to the core. In the
early annals of the northland one can find silhouetted in sharp relief
examples of all that was best and all that was worst in the life of Old
France. The political framework of the colony, with its strict
centralization, the paternal regulation of industry and commerce, the
flood of missionary zeal which poured in upon it, the heroism and
courage of its priests and voyageurs, the venality of its administrative
officials, the anachronism of a feudal land-tenure, the bizarre externals
of its social life, the versatility of its people--all these reflected the
paternity of New France.
The most striking weakness of French colonial policy in the
seventeenth century was its failure to realize how vastly different was
the environment of North America from that of Central Europe.
Institutions were transplanted bodily, and then amazement was
expressed at Versailles because they did not seem to thrive in the new
soil. Detailed instructions to officials in New France were framed by
men who had not the slightest grasp of the colony's needs or problems.
One busybody wrote to the colonial Intendant that a bake-oven should
be established in every seigneury and that the habitants should be
ordered to bring their dough there to be made into bread. The Intendant
had to remind him that, in the long cold winters of the St. Lawrence
valley, the dough would be frozen stiff if the habitants, with their
dwellings so widely scattered, were required to do anything of the kind.

Another martinet gravely informed the colonial authorities that, as a
protection against Indian attacks "all the seigneuries should be
palisaded." And some of the seigneurial estates