Burkes Speech on Conciliation with America | Page 7

of English statesmanship, but in
each case the policy pursued was dictated, not by a clear perception of
what was needed in these countries, but by narrow selfishness, not
unmixed with dogmatism of the most challenging sort. The situation in

India, as regards climate, character, and institutions, counted for little in
the minds of those who were growing rich as agents of the East India
Company. Much the same may be said of America and Ireland. The
sense of Parliament, influenced by the king, was to use these parts of
the British Empire in raising a revenue, and in strengthening party
organization at home. In opposing this policy, Burke lost his seat as
representative for Bristol, then the second city of England; spent
fourteen of the best years of his life in conducting the impeachment of
Warren Hastings, Governor-General of India; and, greatest of all,
delivered his famous speeches on Taxation and Conciliation, in behalf
of the American colonists.
Notwithstanding the distinctly modern tone of Burke's ideas, it would
be wrong to think of him as a thoroughgoing reformer. He has been
called the Great Conservative, and the title is appropriate. He would
have shrunk from a purely republican form of government, such as our
own, and it is, perhaps, a fact that he was suspicious of a government
by the people. The trouble, as he saw it, lay with the representatives of
the people. Upon them, as guardians of a trust, rested the responsibility
of protecting those whom they were chosen to serve. While he bitterly
opposed any measures involving radical change in the Constitution, he
was no less ardent in denouncing political corruptions of all kinds
whatsoever. In his Economical Reform he sought to curtail the
enormous extravagance of the royal household, and to withdraw the
means of wholesale bribery, which offices at the disposal of the king
created. He did not believe that a more effective means than this lay in
the proposed plan for a redistribution of seats in the House of
Commons. In one place, he declared it might be well to lessen the
number of voters, in order to add to their weight and independence; at
another, he asks that the people be stimulated to a more careful scrutiny
of the conduct of their representatives; and on every occasion he
demands that the legislators give their support to those measures only
which have for their object the good of the whole people.
It is obvious, however, that Burke's policy had grievous faults. His
reverence for the past, and his respect for existing institutions as the
heritage of the past, made him timid and overcautious in dealing with
abuses. Although he stood with Pitt in defending the American colonies,
he had no confidence in the thoroughgoing reforms which the great

Commoner proposed. When the Stamp Act was repealed, Pitt would
have gone even further. He would have acknowledged the absolute
injustice of taxation without representation. Burke held tenaciously to
the opposing theory, and warmly supported the Declaratory Act, which
"asserted the supreme authority of Parliament over the colonies, in all
cases whatsoever." His support of the bill for the repeal of the Stamp
Act, as well as his plea for reconciliation, ten years later, were not
prompted by a firm belief in the injustice of England's course. He
expressly states, in both cases that to enforce measures so repugnant to
the Americans, would be detrimental to the home government. It would
result in confusion and disorder, and would bring, perhaps, in the end,
open rebellion. All of his speeches on American affairs show his
willingness to "barter and compromise" in order to avoid this, but
nowhere is there a hint of fundamental error in the Constitution. This
was sacred to him, and he resented to the last any proposition looking
to an organic change in its structure. "The lines of morality," he
declared, "are not like ideal lines of mathematics. They are broad and
deep, as well as long. They admit of exceptions; they demand
modifications. These exceptions and modifications are made, not by the
process of logic, but the rules of prudence. Prudence is not only first in
rank of all the virtues, political and moral, but she is the director, the
regulator, the standard of them all."
The chief characteristics, then, of Burke's political philosophy are
opposed to much that is fundamental in modern systems. His doctrine
is better than that of George III, because it is more generous, and
affords opportunity for superficial readjustment and adaptation. It is
this last, or rather the proof it gives of his insight, that has secured
Burke so high a place among English statesmen.

A GROUP OF WRITERS COMING IMMEDIATELY BEFORE
BURKE
Addison. . . . 1672-1719 Steele . . . . 1672-1729 Defoe. . . .