Burkes Speech on Conciliation with America | Page 6

last half of the eighteenth century, was settled
in the impeachment of Warren Hastings. The affairs of America and
India were now overshadowed by the French Revolution, and Burke,
with the far-sighted vision of a veteran statesman, watched the progress
of events and their influence upon the established order. In 1773 he had
visited France, and had returned displeased. It is remarkable with what
accuracy he pointed out the ultimate tendency of much that he saw. A
close observer of current phases of society, and on the alert to explain
them in the light of broad and fundamental principles of human
progress, he had every opportunity for studying social life at the French
capital. Unlike the younger men of his times, he was doubtful, and held
his judgment in suspense. The enthusiasm of even Fox seemed
premature, and he held himself aloof from the popular demonstrations
of admiration and approval that were everywhere going on. The fact is,
Burke was growing old, and with his years he was becoming more
conservative. He dreaded change, and was suspicious of the wisdom of
those who set about such widespread innovations, and made such
brilliant promises for the future. But the time rapidly approached for
him to declare himself, and in 1790 his Reflections on the Revolution
in France was issued. His friends had long waited its appearance, and
were not wholly surprised at the position taken. What did surprise them
was the eagerness with which the people seized upon the book, and its
effect upon them. The Tories, with the king, applauded long and loud;
the Whigs were disappointed, for Burke condemned the Revolution
unreservedly, and with a bitterness out of all proportion to the cause of
his anxiety and fear. As the Revolution progressed, he grew fiercer in
his denunciation. He broke with his lifelong associates, and declared
that no one who sympathized with the work of the Assembly could be
his friend. His other writings on the Revolution [Footnote: Letter to a
Member of the National Assembly and Letters on a Regicide Peace.]
were in a still more violent strain, and it is hard to think of them as
coming from the author of the Speech on Conciliation.
Three years before his death, at the conclusion of the trial of Warren
Hastings, Burke's last term in Parliament expired. He did not wish
office again and withdrew to his estate. Through the influence of
friends, and because of his eminent services, it was proposed to make

him peer, with the title of Lord Beacons field. But the death of his son
prevented, and a pension of twenty-five hundred pounds a year was
given instead. It was a signal for his enemies, and during his last days
he was busy with his reply. The "Letter to a Noble Lord," though
written little more than a year before his death, is considered one of the
most perfect of his papers. Saddened by the loss of his son, and broken
in spirits, there is yet left him enough old-time energy and fire to
answer his detractors. But his wonderful career was near its close. His
last months were spent in writing about the French Revolution, and the
third letter on a Regicide Peace--a fragment--was doubtless composed
just before his death. On the 9th of July, 1797, he passed away. His
friends claimed for him a place in Westminster, but his last wish was
respected, and he was buried at Beaconsfield.

BURKE AS A STATESMAN
There is hardly a political tract or pamphlet of Burke's in which he does
not state, in terms more or less clear, the fundamental principle in his
theory of government. "Circumstances," he says in one place, "give, in
reality, to every political principle, its distinguishing color and
discriminating effect. The circumstances are what renders every civil
and political scheme beneficial or obnoxious to mankind." At another
time he exclaims: "This is the true touchstone of all theories which
regard man and the affairs of men; does it suit his nature in general,
does it suit his nature as modified by his habits?" And again he extends
his system to affairs outside the realm of politics. "All government," he
declares, "indeed, every human benefit and enjoyment, every virtue and
every prudent act, is founded on compromise and barter."
It is clear that Burke thought the State existed for the people, and not
the people for the State. The doctrine is old to us, but it was not so in
Burke's time, and it required courage to expound it. The great parties
had forgotten the reason for their existence, and one of them had
become hardened and blinded by that corruption which seems to follow
long tenure of office. The affairs of India, Ireland, and America gave
excellent opportunity for an exhibition