a power of
verbal expression which assured distinction at the frequent public
meetings and dinners where he was called upon to speak. Professional
interest in the science of government furnished him with topics of far
wider import than the ordinary pedagogue cares to handle, and he
became, even as professor, well known outside of Princeton. His
influence, already broad in the educational and not without some
recognition in the political world, was extended in 1902, when he was
chosen President of the University.
During the succeeding eight years Wilson enjoyed his first taste of
executive power, and certain traits which he then displayed deserve
brief notice. Although a "conservative" in his advocacy of the
maintenance of the old-time curriculum, based upon the ancient
languages and mathematics, and in his opposition to the free elective
system, he proved an inflexible reformer as regards methods of
instruction, the efficiency of which he was determined to establish. He
showed a ruthless resolution to eliminate what he looked upon as
undemocratic social habits among the undergraduates, and did not
hesitate to cut loose from tradition, regardless of the prejudice thereby
aroused against him. As an executive he evoked intense admiration and
virulent dislike; the Board of Trustees and the alumni body were alike
divided between enthusiastic support and bitter anathematization of the
measures he proposed. What seems obvious is that many graduates
sympathized with his purposes but were alienated by his methods. His
strength lay chiefly in the force of his appeal to democratic sentiment;
his weakness in complete inability to conciliate opponents.
At the moment when the issue of the struggle at Princeton was still
undecided, opportunity was given Wilson to enter political life; an
ambition for such a career had evidently stirred him in early days and
was doubtless resuscitated by his success as a public speaker. While
President of Princeton he had frequently touched upon public issues,
and so early as 1906 Colonel George Harvey had mentioned him as a
possible President of the United States. From that time he was often
considered as available for political office, and in 1910, with New
Jersey stirred by a strong popular movement against boss-rule, he was
tendered the nomination for Governor of that State. He accepted and
proved an ideal candidate. Though supported by the Democratic
machine, which planned to elect a reformer and then control him,
Wilson won the adherence of independents and progressive
Republicans by his promise to break the power of the boss system, and
by the clarity of his plans for reform. His appeals to the spirit of
democracy and morality, while they voiced nothing new in an electoral
campaign, rang with unusual strength and sincerity. The State, which
had gone Republican by eighty-two thousand two years before, now
elected Wilson its Governor by a plurality of forty-nine thousand.
He retained office in New Jersey for only two years. During that period
he achieved a high degree of success. Had he served longer it is
impossible to say what might have been his ultimate position, for as at
Princeton, elements of opposition had begun to coalesce against him
and he had found no means to disarm them. As Governor, he at once
declared himself head of the party and by a display of firm activity
dominated the machine. The Democratic boss, Senator James Smith,
was sternly enjoined from seeking reëlection to the Senate, and when,
in defiance of promises and the wish of the voters as expressed at the
primaries, he attempted to run, Wilson entered the lists and so
influenced public opinion and the Legislature that the head of the
machine received only four votes. Attempts of the Democratic machine
to combine with the Republicans, in order to nullify the reforms which
Wilson had promised in his campaign, proved equally futile. With
strong popular support, constantly exercising his influence both in party
conferences and on the Legislature, the Governor was able to translate
into law the most important of the measures demanded by the
progressives. He himself summed up the essence of the situation when
he said: "The moment the forces in New Jersey that had resisted reform
realized that the people were backing new men who meant what they
had said, they realized that they dare not resist them. It was not the
personal force of the new officials; it was the moral strength of their
backing that accomplished the extraordinary result." Supreme
confidence in the force of public opinion exerted by the common man
characterizes much of Wilson's political philosophy, and the position in
the world which he was to enjoy for some months towards the end of
the war rested upon the same basis.
In 1912 came the presidential election. The split in the Republican
forces promised if it did not absolutely guarantee the election of a
Democrat,
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