What Germany Thinks | Page 5

have prevented any Russian invasion of her
territory, but she did not desire that end, but rather that the fear of
Russia should complete the "Kriegsrausch" of the German nation. After
frightening the people the Berlin Government struck its blow in the
direction of their political ambitions--to the West, and after the
Russians had been allowed to penetrate German territories they were
hurled over the Eastern frontiers at the end of August. While the Kaiser
was sending peaceful telegrams to Petrograd and Vienna, the Press was
full of horrible pictures of Cossack barbarism and the dread terrors of
the Russian knout, both of which--the public was led to believe--were
about to strike Germany.
In this manner the Kaiser and his advisers created a national

psychology which left open only two alternatives: the absolute
humiliation of Russia and the consequent hegemony of Germany in
Europe--or war.
CHAPTER II
ON THE LEASH
Russia gave the world to understand by an official declaration, issued
on Friday, July 24th, 1914, that she was not an indifferent, but a keenly
interested spectator to the Austro-Serbian conflict. On the following
day Russia's declaration was published in almost the entire German
Press, and from that moment the same Press was flooded with all kinds
of attacks directed against the Eastern neighbour. Russia was frankly
told to mind her own business--the quarrel did not concern her.
The German public immediately accepted this point of view, so that
every subsequent move on Russia's part appeared in the light of an
unwarrantable offensive. Undoubtedly the Bismarckian tactics of
publishing inspired articles in all parts of Germany were employed, and
their colouring left no doubt on the public mind that the much-talked-of
Slavonic danger had assumed an acute form.
A request on Russia's part, made on July 25th, that the space of time
(forty-eight hours) allowed to Serbia for an answer should be extended,
only increased popular irritation in the Germanic Empires. This
irritation was accompanied by an unmistakable bellicose spirit which
called forth its natural counterpart in Petrograd.
Nevertheless the fact remains that up till July 25th Russia had only
asked for time, and the reply given by the Berlin mob (?) during the
following night, was echoed throughout Germany. The view that
Russia had no right to interest herself on behalf of Serbia (passing over
Russia's right to preserve the newly-established balance of power in the
Balkans) is untenable. If Canada had a quarrel--just or unjust--with the
United States, it would be ridiculous to assert that England had no right
to intervene.

This was, however, not the first occasion on which Germany had
advanced so preposterous a claim. During the tariff conflict between
Germany and Canada some years ago, a wave of indignant anger went
over the whole Fatherland, because England ventured to interfere.
In any case, during the last week before war broke out, the German
Government succeeded in imposing upon public opinion the feeling
that the quarrel was a racial one; together with the conviction that
Russia was interfering in order to protect a band of murderers from just
punishment, and had neither rights nor interests at stake in the quarrel.
This conspiracy succeeded, but the whole German nation must still be
held responsible for the outbreak of war, because, as has been shown in
the preceding chapter, the nation had already been warned by
newspapers of various political parties. They had been plainly told that
Austria had exceeded the limits of all diplomatic dealings between two
sovereign States, and that Austria's provocation could easily kindle a
world war.
Warnings and truths were alike forgotten, and the voices which uttered
them were now raising another hue and cry.[1] Racial hatred was
ablaze; the warlike instincts of a military people were calling for action,
and a diseased conception of national honour was asking why Berlin
did not act against the Russian barbarians. In one paper the author
remembers reading a violent demand for action against Russia before
the national ardour had time to cool down.
[Footnote 1: The last mention of Austria as the guilty party is the
account of the Social Democratic demonstrations in Berlin on July 28th;
reported in the papers of the following day.]
On July 26th Austrian mobilization was in full swing, and Russia
admittedly took precautions of a similar nature soon after that date. We
may be sure that Russia understands her neighbours better than the
inhabitants of the British Isles understand them. In 1909 she had
suffered a severe diplomatic defeat and corresponding loss of prestige,
because she could only use words in dealing with Germany and
Austria.[2] Now she was faced with the alternative of withdrawing
from her declared attitude (July 24th) or taking measures of a military

character. In order not to sacrifice her position as a European power
and her special position