suddenly increased from 1390 to 15,500, two-thirds of whom could 
neither read nor write. They chose, with great judgment, Mr. Richard, 
an eminent Nonconformist; with less judgment, Mr. Fothergill, an 
ironmaster, who had been conspicuous for the manner in which he had 
enforced "Truck," and opposed education. A new constituency 
naturally chose new members. But nearly 6,000 voted for Mr. Bruce, 
including, with very few exceptions, every man of education in the 
borough. One circumstance that was prejudicial to Mr. Bruce's interest, 
was his refusal to support the Ballot. Up to 1868 he had never voted 
either for or against that measure; but during the long contest which
preceded the election of November, 1868, he saw much to recommend 
the Ballot, and to weaken his objections to it. Therefore, when he stood 
for Renfrewshire, on the death of Captain Spiers, he declared his 
devotion to the Ballot unsolicited. 
Of the success of Mr. Bruce's administration at the Home Office, 
different and conflicting opinions are inevitably entertained. The post is 
one of great importance. Its holder stands above every other Secretary 
of State. He is the Minister who follows next after the First Lord of the 
Treasury. He is virtually the governor of Great Britain. But really the 
Home Secretary is not a man to be envied. He has a thousand things to 
decide which, decide them how he may, are sure to bring about his ears 
a nest of stinging critical hornets. He is responsible for so many things 
that his name is sure to be in the papers every day, and the notices of 
his words and actions are no less sure to be in the majority of instances 
unfavourable. Truly, it is a "fierce light" which beats upon the Home 
Secretary. It is a fine thing in its way to be a Cabinet Minister; but we 
can imagine some more enviable situations than the one which is at 
present occupied by the member for Renfrewshire. No doubt he gained 
the seat for that county by virtue of his position at the Home Office; but 
the same distinction has also made him one of the best-abused men of 
his day. The articles of almost savage ferocity which have been hurled 
against Mr. Bruce by the metropolitan newspapers would make, if 
brought together, one of the largest books in the world. He is assailed 
in books and pamphlets as well as in the newspapers. "Who could 
conscientiously envy Mr. Bruce?" asks a pungent critic who has 
recently been showering a series of "Sketches" upon the town, which 
have caused rather a sensation at Westminster. "Was there ever such an 
unmitigated mistake in any Cabinet as that man? He has proved himself 
weaker even than Mr. Walpole, and that was difficult." On every hand 
we hear it remarked that Mr. Bruce's solitary act of legislation has been 
the one relating to the London cabs, and even that is said to be an utter 
failure. It is true that, from no fault of the Home Secretary, but from 
political exigencies, Home Office Bills, being of a social and 
administrative and not of a political character, have been thrust aside. 
They have been obliged to give way to such measures as the Irish 
Church and Land Bills, Education, Army Organization, and the Ballot.
As for the latter question, Mr. Bruce spontaneously handed it over to 
Mr. Forster, believing that it would be better treated by an old advocate 
than by a recent convert. In such small space of time as he could 
command, however, Mr. Bruce has carried the Habitual Criminals Act, 
which, in its proved results, has been the most successful measure for 
the repression of crime passed during the last thirty years. He has also 
successfully dealt with the difficult subject of Trades' Unions, and he 
has carried an important extension of the Factory Acts, besides many 
minor measures. As for the Cab Act, about which the Pall Mall Gazette 
has every now and again raised a cuckoo cry, it is altogether a 
municipal one, and ought not to be in the hands of a Secretary of State. 
As it was, Mr. Bruce tried the experiment of "Free Trade." It failed, 
because the London cab owners had not the enterprise to introduce 
better vehicles, which he could not impose upon them. The Licensing 
question and the Contagious Diseases Acts are two of the most 
important questions with which Mr. Bruce is now endeavouring to 
grapple. Upon the construction of both measures he has manifestly 
bestowed a great amount of labour. 
For a Scotch Member to be also a Cabinet Minister is, at present, a 
conjunction of exceeding rarity; and no less exceptional is it to find the 
county of Renfrew returning to the House of Commons one who is not 
a politician of    
    
		
	
	
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