a few of those 
who really shared in the heretical view; the testimony of orthodox 
writers is all in support of this surmise. Equally clear is the fact that
while the religious authorities were thus rigorous a steadily deepening 
undercurrent of opinion made for 'Latitude.' How far this Latitude 
might properly go was a troublesome question, but at any rate some 
were willing to advocate what many must have silently desired. 
Apart from the extremists in the great struggle between High Church 
and Puritans there existed a group of moderate men, often of shrewd 
intellect, ripe scholarship, and attractive temper, who sought in a wider 
liberty of opinion an escape from the tyrannical alternatives presented 
by the two opposing parties. Even in connection with these very parties 
there were tendencies peculiar to themselves, which could not fail in 
the end to mitigate the force of their own contentions. The High Church 
was mostly 'Arminian,' i.e. on the side of the more 'reasonable' theology 
of that age. The Puritans were wholly committed to the principle of 
democratic liberty, as then understood, and in religious matters set the 
Bible in the highest place of authority. It could not be but that these 
several factors should ultimately tell upon the solution of the problem 
of religious liberty. But the immediate steps toward that solution had to 
be taken by the advocates of Latitude. Among them were Lord 
Falkland, John Hales, and William Chillingworth, the last of whom is 
famous for his unflinching protest that 'the Bible, the Bible only, is the 
religion of Protestants,' a saying which was as good as a charter to 
those who based their so-called heresies on the explicit words of 
Scripture. In the second half of that seventeenth century the work of 
broadening the religious mind was carried forward by others of equal or 
even greater ability; it is sufficient here to name Jeremy Taylor among 
Churchmen, and Richard Baxter among Nonconformists. 
There was, of course, a good deal of levity, the temper of the Gallio 
who cares for none of these things. But this was not the temper of the 
men to whom we refer. Their greatest difficulty, indeed, arose from 
their intense interest in religious truth. They could not conceive a State 
which should not control men's theology in some real way. Even Locke 
did not advocate toleration for the atheist, for such a man (in his 
opinion) could not make the solemn asseverations on which alone civil 
life could go forward. Nor would he tolerate the Roman Catholic, but in 
this case political considerations swayed the balance; the Catholic
introduced the fatal principle of allegiance to a 'foreign prince.' Taking 
for granted, then, the necessity for some degree of State supervision of 
religion, how could this be rendered least inimical to the general desire 
for liberty? 
The reply to this question brought them very close to the position taken 
up by Faustus Socinus long before, viz. that the 'essentials' of a 
Christian faith should be recognized as few and, as far as possible, 
simple. Of course, it is from his name that the term 'Socinian' is derived, 
a term that has often been applied, but mistakenly, to Unitarians 
generally. The repeated and often bitter accusation brought against the 
advocates of Latitude that they were 'Socinians,' or at least tainted with 
'Socinianism,' renders appropriate some short account of Socinus 
himself. 
This man was one of the sixteenth-century Italian Reformers who were 
speedily crushed or dispersed by the vigilance of the Inquisition. Those 
who escaped wandered far, and some were at different times members 
of the Church for 'Strangers,' or foreigners, to which Edward VI 
assigned the nave of the great Augustine Church, still standing at 
Austin Friars in the heart of the City of London. It is Interesting to 
observe here that a Dutch liberal congregation lineally inherits the 
place to-day. Careful investigation has shown that among the refugees 
here in the sixteenth century were some whose opinions were unsound 
on the Trinity; possibly they affected English opinion in some small 
degree. Loelius Socinus (1525-62), uncle of Faustus (1539-1604), was 
for a short time in London, but interesting thinker as he was, his 
nephew who never set foot in England really exerted much more 
influence upon English thought. 
It was, however, in Poland especially that the influence of Faustus 
Socinus first became prominent. That country, then flourishing under 
its own princes, early became (as we have seen) the home of an 
Anti-trinitarian form of Protestantism. Socinus joined this group, and 
during the latter half of the sixteenth century effected much 
improvement among them, organizing their congregations, establishing 
schools, promoting a Unitarian literature. The educational work thus
begun achieved great success; but in his own lifetime Socinus met with 
fierce opposition and even personal violence. He died in 1604; the    
    
		
	
	
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