The Writings of Abraham Lincoln, vol 5 | Page 6

I have been appointed to speak
at Danville on the 22d of Sept.,--the day after Douglas speaks there. My
recent experience shows that speaking at the same place the next day
after D. is the very thing,--it is, in fact, a concluding speech on him.
Please show this to Messrs. Harmon and Beckwith; and tell them they
must excuse me from writing separate letters to them.
Yours as ever,
A. LINCOLN
P. S.--Give full notice to all surrounding country. A.L.

FRAGMENT OF SPEECH AT PARIS, ILL.,
SEPT. 8, 1858.
Let us inquire what Judge Douglas really invented when he introduced
the Nebraska Bill? He called it Popular Sovereignty. What does that
mean? It means the sovereignty of the people over their own affairs-- in
other words, the right of the people to govern themselves. Did Judge
Douglas invent this? Not quite. The idea of popular sovereignty was
floating about several ages before the author of the Nebraska Bill was
born--indeed, before Columbus set foot on this continent. In the year
1776 it took form in the noble words which you are all familiar with:
"We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal,"
etc. Was not this the origin of popular sovereignty as applied to the
American people? Here we are told that governments are instituted
among men deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed.
If that is not popular sovereignty, then I have no conception of the

meaning of words. If Judge Douglas did not invent this kind of popular
sovereignty, let us pursue the inquiry and find out what kind he did
invent. Was it the right of emigrants to Kansas and Nebraska to govern
themselves, and a lot of "niggers," too, if they wanted them? Clearly
this was no invention of his because General Cass put forth the same
doctrine in 1848 in his so called Nicholson letter, six years before
Douglas thought of such a thing. Then what was it that the "Little
Giant" invented? It never occurred to General Cass to call his discovery
by the odd name of popular sovereignty. He had not the face to say that
the right of the people to govern "niggers" was the right of the people
to govern themselves. His notions of the fitness of things were not
moulded to the brazenness of calling the right to put a hundred
"niggers" through under the lash in Nebraska a "sacred" right of
self-government. And here I submit to you was Judge Douglas's
discovery, and the whole of it: He discovered that the right to breed and
flog negroes in Nebraska was popular sovereignty.

SPEECH AT CLINTON, ILLINOIS,
SEPTEMBER 8, 1858.
The questions are sometimes asked "What is all this fuss that is being
made about negroes? What does it amount to? And where will it end?"
These questions imply that those who ask them consider the slavery
question a very insignificant matter they think that it amounts to little
or nothing and that those who agitate it are extremely foolish. Now it
must be admitted that if the great question which has caused so much
trouble is insignificant, we are very foolish to have anything to do with
it--if it is of no importance we had better throw it aside and busy
ourselves with something else. But let us inquire a little into this
insignificant matter, as it is called by some, and see if it is not
important enough to demand the close attention of every well-wisher of
the Union. In one of Douglas's recent speeches, I find a reference to
one which was made by me in Springfield some time ago. The judge
makes one quotation from that speech that requires some little notice
from me at this time. I regret that I have not my Springfield speech
before me, but the judge has quoted one particular part of it so often
that I think I can recollect it. It runs I think as follows:
"We are now far into the fifth year since a policy was initiated with the

avowed object and confident promise of putting an end to slavery
agitation. Under the operation of that policy that agitation has not only
not ceased but has constantly augmented. In my opinion it will not
cease until a crisis shall have been reached and passed.
"A house divided against itself cannot stand. I believe this government
cannot endure permanently half slave and half free. I do not expect the
Union to be dissolved. I do not expect the house to fall, but I do expect
it will cease to be divided. It will become all one thing or all the other.
Either the opponents of slavery will arrest the further spread of it and
place it where the public mind