The Writings of Abraham Lincoln, vol 3 | Page 7

its limits. And this may especially be
expected if the doctrine of "care not whether slavery be voted down or
voted up" shall gain upon the public mind sufficiently to give promise
that such a decision can be maintained when made.
Such a decision is all that slavery now lacks of being alike lawful in all
the States. Welcome or unwelcome, such decision is probably coming,
and will soon be upon us, unless the power of the present political
dynasty shall be met and overthrown We shall lie down pleasantly
dreaming that the people of Missouri are on the verge of making their
State free, and we shall awake to the reality instead that the Supreme
Court has made Illinois a slave State. To meet and overthrow the power
of that dynasty is the work now before all those who would prevent that
consummation. That is what we have to do. How can we best do it?
There are those who denounce us openly to their friends, and yet

whisper to us softly that Senator Douglas is the aptest instrument there
is with which to effect that object. They wish us to infer all, from the
fact that he now has a little quarrel with the present head of the dynasty,
and that he has regularly voted with us on a single point, upon which he
and we have never differed. They remind us that he is a great man, and
that the largest of us are very small ones. Let this be granted. But "a
living dog is better than a dead lion." Judge Douglas, if not a dead lion,
for this work is at least a caged and toothless one. How can he oppose
the advances of slavery? He don't care anything about it. His avowed
mission is impressing the "public heart" to care nothing about it. A
leading Douglas Democratic newspaper thinks Douglas's superior
talent will be needed to resist the revival of the African slave trade.
Does Douglas believe an effort to revive that trade is approaching? He
has not said so. Does he really think so? But if it is, how can he resist it?
For years he has labored to prove it a sacred right of white men to take
negro slaves into the new Territories. Can he possibly show that it is
less a sacred right to buy them where they can be bought cheapest? And
unquestionably they can be bought cheaper in Africa than in Virginia.
He has done all in his power to reduce the whole question of slavery to
one of a mere right of property; and, as such, how can he oppose the
foreign slave trade, how can he refuse that trade in that "property" shall
be "perfectly free,"--unless he does it as a protection to the home
production? And as the home producers will probably not ask the
protection, he will be wholly without a ground of opposition.
Senator Douglas holds, we know, that a man may rightfully be wiser
to-day than he was yesterday; that he may rightfully change when he
finds himself wrong. But can we, for that reason, run ahead, and infer
that he will make any particular change, of which he himself has given
no intimation? Can we safely base our action upon any such vague
inference? Now, as ever, I wish not to misrepresent Judge Douglas's
position, question his motives, or do aught that can be personally
offensive to him. Whenever, if ever, he and we can come together on
principle so that our cause may have assistance from his great ability, I
hope to have interposed no adventitious obstacles. But clearly he is not
now with us; he does not pretend to be,--he does not promise ever to
be.
Our cause, then, must be intrusted to, and conducted by, its own

undoubted friends,--those whose hands are free, whose hearts are in the
work, who do care for the result. Two years ago the Republicans of the
nation mustered over thirteen hundred thousand strong. We did this
under the single impulse of resistance to a common danger, with every
external circumstance against us. Of strange, discordant, and even
hostile elements we gathered from the four winds, and formed and
fought the battle through, under the constant hot fire of a disciplined,
proud, and pampered enemy. Did we brave all then to falter now,--now,
when that same enemy is wavering, dissevered, and belligerent? The
result is not doubtful. We shall not fail; if we stand firm, we shall not
fail. Wise counsels may accelerate, or mistakes delay it, but, sooner or
later, the victory is sure to come.

SPEECH AT CHICAGO, JULY 10, 1858.
IN REPLY TO SENATOR DOUGLAS
DELIVERED AT CHICAGO, SATURDAY EVENING, JULY 10,
1858.
(Mr. DOUGLAS WAS NOT PRESENT.)
[Mr. LINCOLN was