The Thirty Years War, book 4 | Page 5

the assembled estates assurances of unshaken fidelity,
perseverance, and unity, he required of them solemnly and formally to
declare the Emperor and the league as enemies. But desirable as it was
for Sweden to exasperate the ill-feeling between the emperor and the
estates into a formal rupture, the latter, on the other hand, were equally
indisposed to shut out the possibility of reconciliation, by so decided a
step, and to place themselves entirely in the hands of the Swedes. They
maintained, that any formal declaration of war was useless and
superfluous, where the act would speak for itself, and their firmness on
this point silenced at last the chancellor. Warmer disputes arose on the
third and principal article of the treaty, concerning the means of
prosecuting the war, and the quota which the several states ought to
furnish for the support of the army. Oxenstiern's maxim, to throw as
much as possible of the common burden on the states, did not suit very
well with their determination to give as little as possible. The Swedish
chancellor now experienced, what had been felt by thirty emperors

before him, to their cost, that of all difficult undertakings, the most
difficult was to extort money from the Germans. Instead of granting the
necessary sums for the new armies to be raised, they eloquently dwelt
upon the calamities occasioned by the former, and demanded relief
from the old burdens, when they were required to submit to new. The
irritation which the chancellor's demand for money raised among the
states, gave rise to a thousand complaints; and the outrages committed
by the troops, in their marches and quarters, were dwelt upon with a
startling minuteness and truth.
In the service of two absolute monarchs, Oxenstiern had but little
opportunity to become accustomed to the formalities and cautious
proceedings of republican deliberations, or to bear opposition with
patience. Ready to act, the instant the necessity of action was apparent,
and inflexible in his resolution, when he had once taken it, he was at a
loss to comprehend the inconsistency of most men, who, while they
desire the end, are yet averse to the means. Prompt and impetuous by
nature, he was so on this occasion from principle; for every thing
depended on concealing the weakness of Sweden, under a firm and
confident speech, and by assuming the tone of a lawgiver, really to
become so. It was nothing wonderful, therefore, if, amidst these
interminable discussions with German doctors and deputies, he was
entirely out of his sphere, and if the deliberateness which distinguishes
the character of the Germans in their public deliberations, had driven
him almost to despair. Without respecting a custom, to which even the
most powerful of the emperors had been obliged to conform, he
rejected all written deliberations which suited so well with the national
slowness of resolve. He could not conceive how ten days could be
spent in debating a measure, which with himself was decided upon its
bare suggestion. Harshly, however, as he treated the States, he found
them ready enough to assent to his fourth motion, which concerned
himself. When he pointed out the necessity of giving a head and a
director to the new confederation, that honour was unanimously
assigned to Sweden, and he himself was humbly requested to give to
the common cause the benefit of his enlightened experience, and to
take upon himself the burden of the supreme command. But in order to
prevent his abusing the great powers thus conferred upon him, it was
proposed, not without French influence, to appoint a number of

overseers, in fact, under the name of assistants, to control the
expenditure of the common treasure, and to consult with him as to the
levies, marches, and quarterings of the troops. Oxenstiern long and
strenuously resisted this limitation of his authority, which could not fail
to trammel him in the execution of every enterprise requiring
promptitude or secrecy, and at last succeeded, with difficulty, in
obtaining so far a modification of it, that his management in affairs of
war was to be uncontrolled. The chancellor finally approached the
delicate point of the indemnification which Sweden was to expect at
the conclusion of the war, from the gratitude of the allies, and flattered
himself with the hope that Pomerania, the main object of Sweden,
would be assigned to her, and that he would obtain from the provinces,
assurances of effectual cooperation in its acquisition. But he could
obtain nothing more than a vague assurance, that in a general peace the
interests of all parties would be attended to. That on this point, the
caution of the estates was not owing to any regard for the constitution
of the empire, became manifest from the liberality they evinced
towards the chancellor, at the expense of the most