The Thirty Years War, book 4 | Page 3

Friedrich von Schiller
death of Gustavus, far from breaking up the
alliance between France and Sweden, had only rendered it more
necessary for both, and more profitable for France. Now, for the first
time, since he was dead who had stretched his protecting arm over
Germany, and guarded its frontiers against the encroaching designs of
France, could the latter safely pursue its designs upon Alsace, and thus
be enabled to sell its aid to the German Protestants at a dearer rate.
Strengthened by these alliances, secured in its interior, and defended
from without by strong frontier garrisons and fleets, the regency did not
delay an instant to continue a war, by which Sweden had little of its

own to lose, while, if success attended its arms, one or more of the
German provinces might be won, either as a conquest, or
indemnification of its expenses. Secure amidst its seas, Sweden, even if
driven out of Germany, would scarcely be exposed to greater peril, than
if it voluntarily retired from the contest, while the former measure was
as honourable, as the latter was disgraceful. The more boldness the
regency displayed, the more confidence would they inspire among their
confederates, the more respect among their enemies, and the more
favourable conditions might they anticipate in the event of peace. If
they found themselves too weak to execute the wide-ranging projects of
Gustavus, they at least owed it to this lofty model to do their utmost,
and to yield to no difficulty short of absolute necessity. Alas, that
motives of self-interest had too great a share in this noble determination,
to demand our unqualified admiration! For those who had nothing
themselves to suffer from the calamities of war, but were rather to be
enriched by it, it was an easy matter to resolve upon its continuation;
for the German empire was, in the end, to defray the expenses; and the
provinces on which they reckoned, would be cheaply purchased with
the few troops they sacrificed to them, and with the generals who were
placed at the head of armies, composed for the most part of Germans,
and with the honourable superintendence of all the operations, both
military and political.
But this superintendence was irreconcileable with the distance of the
Swedish regency from the scene of action, and with the slowness which
necessarily accompanies all the movements of a council.
To one comprehensive mind must be intrusted the management of
Swedish interests in Germany, and with full powers to determine at
discretion all questions of war and peace, the necessary alliances, or the
acquisitions made. With dictatorial power, and with the whole
influence of the crown which he was to represent, must this important
magistrate be invested, in order to maintain its dignity, to enforce
united and combined operations, to give effect to his orders, and to
supply the place of the monarch whom he succeeded. Such a man was
found in the Chancellor Oxenstiern, the first minister, and what is more,
the friend of the deceased king, who, acquainted with all the secrets of
his master, versed in the politics of Germany, and in the relations of all
the states of Europe, was unquestionably the fittest instrument to carry

out the plans of Gustavus Adolphus in their full extent.
Oxenstiern was on his way to Upper Germany, in order to assemble the
four Upper Circles, when the news of the king's death reached him at
Hanau. This was a heavy blow, both to the friend and the statesman.
Sweden, indeed, had lost but a king, Germany a protector; but
Oxenstiern, the author of his fortunes, the friend of his soul, and the
object of his admiration. Though the greatest sufferer in the general
loss, he was the first who by his energy rose from the blow, and the
only one qualified to repair it. His penetrating glance foresaw all the
obstacles which would oppose the execution of his plans, the
discouragement of the estates, the intrigues of hostile courts, the
breaking up of the confederacy, the jealousy of the leaders, and the
dislike of princes of the empire to submit to foreign authority. But even
this deep insight into the existing state of things, which revealed the
whole extent of the evil, showed him also the means by which it might
be overcome. It was essential to revive the drooping courage of the
weaker states, to meet the secret machinations of the enemy, to allay
the jealousy of the more powerful allies, to rouse the friendly powers,
and France in particular, to active assistance; but above all, to repair the
ruined edifice of the German alliance, and to reunite the scattered
strength of the party by a close and permanent bond of union. The
dismay which the loss of their leader occasioned the German
Protestants, might as readily
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