The Rise of the Dutch Republic, 1574-84 | Page 5

John Lothrop Motley
if Philip were not
weary of the war, at any rate his means for carrying it on were

diminishing daily. Requesens could raise no money in the Netherlands;
his secretary wrote to Spain, that the exchequer was at its last gasp, and
the cabinet of Madrid was at its wits' end, and almost incapable of
raising ways and means. The peace party was obtaining the upper hand;
the fierce policy of Alva regarded with increasing disfavor. "The
people here," wrote Saint Goard from Madrid, "are completely
desperate, whatever pains they take to put a good face on the matter.
They desire most earnestly to treat, without losing their character." It
seemed, nevertheless, impossible for Philip to bend his neck. The hope
of wearing the Imperial crown had alone made his bigotry feasible. To
less potent influences it was adamant; and even now, with an
impoverished exchequer, and, after seven years of unsuccessful warfare,
his purpose was not less rigid than at first. "The Hollanders demand
liberty of conscience," said Saint Goard, "to which the King will never
consent, or I am much mistaken."
As for Orange, he was sincerely in favor of peace--but not a
dishonorable peace, in which should be renounced all the objects of the
war. He was far from sanguine on the subject, for he read the signs of
the times and the character of Philip too accurately to believe much
more in the success of the present than in that of the past efforts of
Maximilian. He was pleased that his brother-in-law, Count
Schwartzburg, had been selected as the Emperor's agent in the affair,
but expressed his doubts whether much good would come of the
proposed negotiations. Remembering the many traps which in times
past had been set by Philip and his father, he feared that the present
transaction might likewise prove a snare. "We have not forgotten the
words I 'ewig' and 'einig' in the treaty with Landgrave Philip," he wrote;
"at the same time we beg to assure his Imperial Majesty that we desire
nothing more than a good peace, tending to the glory of God, the
service of the King of Spain, and the prosperity of his subjects."
This was his language to his brother, in a letter which was meant to be
shown to the Emperor. In another, written on the same day, he
explained himself with more clearness, and stated his distrust with
more energy. There were no papists left, except a few ecclesiastics, he
said; so much had the number of the Reformers been augmented,
through the singular grace of God. It was out of the question to suppose,
therefore, that a measure, dooming all who were not Catholics to exile,

could be entertained. None would change their religion, and none
would consent, voluntarily, to abandon for ever their homes, friends,
and property. "Such a peace," he said, "would be poor and pitiable
indeed."
These, then, were the sentiments of the party now about to negotiate.
The mediator was anxious for a settlement, because the interests of the
Imperial house required it. The King of Spain was desirous of peace,
but was unwilling to concede a hair. The Prince of Orange was equally
anxious to terminate the war, but was determined not to abandon the
objects for which it had been undertaken. A favorable result, therefore,
seemed hardly possible. A whole people claimed the liberty to stay at
home and practice the Protestant religion, while their King asserted the
right to banish them for ever, or to burn them if they remained. The
parties seemed too far apart to be brought together by the most elastic
compromise. The Prince addressed an earnest appeal to the assembly of
Holland, then in session at Dort, reminding them that, although peace
was desirable, it might be more dangerous than war, and entreating
them, therefore, to conclude no treaty which should be inconsistent
with the privileges of the country and their duty to God.
It was now resolved that all the votes of the assembly should consist of
five: one for the nobles and large cities of Holland, one for the estates
of Zealand, one for the small cities of Holland, one for the cities
Bommel and Buren, and the fifth for William of Orange. The Prince
thus effectually held in his hands three votes: his own, that of the small
cities, which through his means only had been admitted to the assembly,
and thirdly, that of Buren, the capital of his son's earldom. He thus
exercised a controlling influence over the coming deliberations. The ten
commissioners, who were appointed by the estates for the peace
negotiations, were all his friends. Among them were Saint Aldegonde,
Paul Buis, Charles Boisot, and Doctor Junius. The plenipotentiaries of
the Spanish government were Leoninus, the Seigneur de Rassinghem,
Cornelius
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