The Rise of the Dutch Republic, 1572 | Page 7

John Lothrop Motley

had no legislative powers. The people had never pretended to
sovereignty, nor did they claim it now. The source from which the
government of the Netherlands was supposed to proceed was still the
divine mandate. Even now the estates silently conceded, as they had
ever done, the supreme legislative and executive functions to the land's
master. Upon Philip of Spain, as representative of Count Dirk the First
of Holland, had descended, through many tortuous channels, the divine
effluence originally supplied by Charles the Simple of France. That
supernatural power was not contested, but it was now ingeniously

turned against the sovereign. The King's authority was invoked against
himself in the person of the Prince of Orange, to whom, thirteen years
before, a portion of that divine right had been delegated. The estates of
Holland met at Dort on the 15th July, as representatives of the people;
but they were summoned by Orange, royally commissioned in 1559 as
stadholder, and therefore the supreme legislative and executive officer
of certain provinces. This was the theory of the provisional government.
The Prince represented the royal authority, the nobles represented both
themselves and the people of the open country, while the twelve cities
represented the whole body of burghers. Together, they were supposed
to embody all authority, both divine and human, which a congress
could exercise. Thus the whole movement was directed against Alva
and against Count Bossu, appointed stadholder by Alva in the place of
Orange. Philip's name was destined to figure for a long time, at the
head of documents by which monies were raised, troops levied, and
taxes collected, all to be used in deadly war against himself.
The estates were convened on the 15th July, when Paul Buys,
pensionary of Leyden, the tried and confidential friend of Orange, was
elected Advocate of Holland. The convention was then adjourned till
the 18th, when Saint Aldegonde made his appearance, with full powers
to act provisionally in behalf of his Highness.
The distinguished plenipotentiary delivered before the congress a long
and very effective harangue. He recalled the sacrifices and efforts of
the Prince during previous years. He adverted to the disastrous
campaign of 1568, in which the Prince had appeared full of high hope,
at the head of a gallant army, but had been obliged, after a short period,
to retire, because not a city had opened its gates nor a Netherlander
lifted his finger in the cause. Nevertheless, he had not lost courage nor
closed his heart; and now that, through the blessing of God, the eyes of
men had been opened, and so many cities had declared against the
tyrant, the Prince had found himself exposed to a bitter struggle.
Although his own fortunes had been ruined in the cause, he had been
unable to resist the daily flood of petitions which called upon him to
come forward once more. He had again importuned his relations and
powerful friends; he had at last set on foot a new and well-appointed
army. The day of payment had arrived. Over his own head impended
perpetual shame, over the fatherland perpetual woe, if the congress

should now refuse the necessary supplies. "Arouse ye, then," cried the
orator, with fervor, "awaken your own zeal and that of your sister cities.
Seize Opportunity by the locks, who never appeared fairer than she
does to-day."
The impassioned eloquence of St. Aldegonde produced a profound
impression. The men who had obstinately refused the demands of Alva,
now unanimously resolved to pour forth their gold and their blood at
the call of Orange. "Truly," wrote the Duke, a little later, "it almost
drives me mad to see the difficulty with which your Majesty's supplies
are furnished, and the liberality with which the people place their lives
and fortunes at the disposal of this rebel." It seemed strange to the loyal
governor that men should support their liberator with greater alacrity
than that with which they served their destroyer! It was resolved that
the requisite amount should be at once raised, partly from the regular
imposts and current "requests," partly by loans from the rich, from the
clergy, from the guilds and brotherhoods, partly from superfluous
church ornaments and other costly luxuries. It was directed that
subscriptions should be immediately opened throughout the land, that
gold and silver plate, furniture, jewellery, and other expensive articles
should be received by voluntary contributions, for which inventories
and receipts should be given by the magistrates of each city, and that
upon these money should be raised, either by loan or sale. An
enthusiastic and liberal spirit prevailed. All seemed determined rather
than pay the tenth to Alva to pay the whole to the Prince.
The estates, furthermore, by unanimous resolution, declared that they
recognized the Prince as the King's lawful stadholder over Holland,
Zealand, Friesland,
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