union for the sake of liberty and the national good. The
Regent, while faithfully recording in her despatches every thing of this
nature which reached her ears, expressed her astonishment at Egmont's
course, because, as she had often taken occasion to inform the King,
she had always considered the Count most sincerely attached to his
Majesty's service.
Berlaymont, the only other noble of prominence who did not approve
the 11th of March letter, was at this period attempting to "swim in two
waters," and, as usual in such cases, found it very difficult to keep
himself afloat. He had refused to join the league, but he stood aloof
from Granvelle. On a hope held out by the seigniors that his son should
be made Bishop of Liege, he had ceased during a whole year from
visiting the Cardinal, and had never spoken to him at the council-board.
Granvelle, in narrating these circumstances to the King, expressed the
opinion that Berlaymont, by thus attempting to please both parties, had
thoroughly discredited himself with both.
The famous epistle, although a most reasonable and manly statement of
an incontrovertible fact, was nevertheless a document which it required
much boldness to sign. The minister at that moment seemed
omnipotent, and it was obvious that the King was determined upon a
course of political and religious absolutism. It is, therefore, not
surprising that, although many sustained its principles, few were
willing to affix their names to a paper which might prove a
death-warrant to the signers. Even Montigny and Berghen, although
they had been active in conducting the whole cabal, if cabal it could be
called, refused to subscribe the letter. Egmont and Horn were men of
reckless daring, but they were not keen-sighted enough to perceive
fully the consequences of their acts.
Orange was often accused by his enemies of timidity, but no man ever
doubted his profound capacity to look quite through the deeds of men.
His political foresight enabled him to measure the dangerous precipice
which they were deliberately approaching, while the abyss might
perhaps be shrouded to the vision of his companions. He was too
tranquil of nature to be hurried, by passions into a grave political step,
which in cooler moments he might regret. He resolutely, therefore, and
with his eyes open, placed himself in open and recorded enmity with
the most powerful and dangerous man in the whole Spanish realm, and
incurred the resentment of a King who never forgave. It may be safely
averred that as much courage was requisite thus to confront a cold and
malignant despotism, and to maintain afterwards, without flinching,
during a whole lifetime, the cause of national rights and liberty of
conscience, as to head the most brilliant charge of cavalry that ever
made hero famous.
Philip answered the letter of the three nobles on the 6th June following.
In this reply, which was brief, he acknowledged the zeal and affection
by which the writers had been actuated. He suggested, nevertheless,
that, as they had mentioned no particular cause for adopting the advice
contained in their letter, it would be better that one of them should
come to Madrid to confer with him. Such matters, he said, could be
better treated by word of mouth. He might thus receive sufficient
information to enable him to form a decision, for, said he in conclusion,
it was not his custom to aggrieve any of his ministers without cause.
This was a fine phrase, but under the circumstances of its application,
quite ridiculous. There was no question of aggrieving the minister. The
letter of the three nobles was very simple. It consisted of a fact and a
deduction. The fact stated was, that the Cardinal was odious to all
classes of the nation. The deduction drawn was, that the government
could no longer be carried on by him without imminent danger of
ruinous convulsions. The fact was indisputable. The person most
interested confirmed it in his private letters. "'Tis said," wrote
Granvelle to Philip, "that grandees, nobles, and people, all abhor me,
nor am I surprised to find that grandees, nobles, and people are all
openly against me, since each and all have been invited to join in the
league." The Cardinal's reasons for the existence of the unpopularity,
which he admitted to the full, have no bearing upon the point in the
letter. The fact was relied upon to sustain a simple, although a
momentous inference. It was for Philip to decide upon the propriety of
the deduction, and to abide by the consequences of his resolution when
taken. As usual, however, the monarch was not capable of making up
his mind. He knew very well that the Cardinal was odious and
infamous, because he was the willing impersonation of the royal policy.
Philip was, therefore, logically
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