The Rights of Man | Page 7

on the French Revolution, and the principles of Liberty, it is an
imposition on the rest of the world.
I am the more astonished and disappointed at this conduct in Mr. Burke, as (from the
circumstances I am going to mention) I had formed other expectations.
I had seen enough of the miseries of war, to wish it might never more have existence in
the world, and that some other mode might be found out to settle the differences that
should occasionally arise in the neighbourhood of nations. This certainly might be done if
Courts were disposed to set honesty about it, or if countries were enlightened enough not
to be made the dupes of Courts. The people of America had been bred up in the same
prejudices against France, which at that time characterised the people of England; but
experience and an acquaintance with the French Nation have most effectually shown to
the Americans the falsehood of those prejudices; and I do not believe that a more cordial
and confidential intercourse exists between any two countries than between America and
France.
When I came to France, in the spring of 1787, the Archbishop of Thoulouse was then
Minister, and at that time highly esteemed. I became much acquainted with the private
Secretary of that Minister, a man of an enlarged benevolent heart; and found that his
sentiments and my own perfectly agreed with respect to the madness of war, and the
wretched impolicy of two nations, like England and France, continually worrying each
other, to no other end than that of a mutual increase of burdens and taxes. That I might be
assured I had not misunderstood him, nor he me, I put the substance of our opinions into
writing and sent it to him; subjoining a request, that if I should see among the people of
England, any disposition to cultivate a better understanding between the two nations than
had hitherto prevailed, how far I might be authorised to say that the same disposition
prevailed on the part of France? He answered me by letter in the most unreserved manner,
and that not for himself only, but for the Minister, with whose knowledge the letter was
declared to be written.
I put this letter into the, hands of Mr. Burke almost three years ago, and left it with him,
where it still remains; hoping, and at the same time naturally expecting, from the opinion
I had conceived of him, that he would find some opportunity of making good use of it,
for the purpose of removing those errors and prejudices which two neighbouring nations,
from the want of knowing each other, had entertained, to the injury of both.

When the French Revolution broke out, it certainly afforded to Mr. Burke an opportunity
of doing some good, had he been disposed to it; instead of which, no sooner did he see
the old prejudices wearing away, than he immediately began sowing the seeds of a new
inveteracy, as if he were afraid that England and France would cease to be enemies. That
there are men in all countries who get their living by war, and by keeping up the quarrels
of Nations, is as shocking as it is true; but when those who are concerned in the
government of a country, make it their study to sow discord and cultivate prejudices
between Nations, it becomes the more unpardonable.
With respect to a paragraph in this work alluding to Mr. Burke's having a pension, the
report has been some time in circulation, at least two months; and as a person is often the
last to hear what concerns him the most to know, I have mentioned it, that Mr. Burke may
have an opportunity of contradicting the rumour, if he thinks proper.
Thomas Paine
PAINE'S PREFACE TO THE FRENCH EDITION
The astonishment which the French Revolution has caused throughout Europe should be
considered from two different points of view: first as it affects foreign peoples, secondly
as it affects their governments.
The cause of the French people is that of all Europe, or rather of the whole world; but the
governments of all those countries are by no means favorable to it. It is important that we
should never lose sight of this distinction. We must not confuse the peoples with their
governments; especially not the English people with its government.
The government of England is no friend of the revolution of France. Of this we have
sufficient proofs in the thanks given by that weak and witless person, the Elector of
Hanover, sometimes called the King of England, to Mr. Burke for the insults heaped on it
in his book, and in the malevolent comments of the English Minister, Pitt, in his speeches
in Parliament.
In spite of the professions