The Revolt of The Netherlands, book 2 | Page 8

him; his
opinion prevailed against the unanimous voice of the whole assembly.
The regent herself was governed by him. He had contrived to manage
so that her appointment was made out for two years only, and by this
expedient he kept her always in his power. It seldom happened that any
important affair was submitted to the other members, and if it really did
occur it was only such as had been long before decided, to which it was
only necessary for formality's sake to gain their sanction. Whenever a
royal letter was read Viglius received instructions to omit all such
passages as were underlined by the minister. It often happened that this
correspondence with Spain laid open the weakness of the government,
or the anxiety felt by the regent, with which it was not expedient to
inform the members, whose loyalty was distrusted. If again it occurred
that the opposition gained a majority over the minister, and insisted
with determination on an article which he could not well put off any
longer, he sent it to the ministry at Madrid for their decision, by which
he at least gained time, and in any case was certain to find
support.--With the exception of the Count of Barlaimont, the President
Viglius, and a few others, all the other counsellors were but superfluous
figures in the senate, and the minister's behavior to them marked the
small value which he placed upon their friendship and adherence. No
wonder that men whose pride had been so greatly indulged by the
flattering attentions of sovereign princes, and to whom, as to the idols
of their country, their fellow-citizens paid the most reverential
submission, should be highly indignant at this arrogance of a plebeian.
Many of them had been personally insulted by Granvella.
The Prince of Orange was well aware that it was he who had prevented
his marriage with the Princess of Lorraine, and that he had also
endeavored to break off the negotiations for another alliance with the
Princess of Savoy. He had deprived Count Horn of the government of
Gueldres and Zutphen, and had kept for himself an abbey which Count
Egmont had in vain exerted himself to obtain for a relation. Confident
of his superior power, he did not even think it worth while to conceal
from the nobility his contempt for them, and which, as a rule, marked

his whole administration; William of Orange was the only one with
whom be deemed it advisable to dissemble. Although he really
believed himself to be raised far above all the laws of fear and decorum,
still in this point, however, his confident arrogance misled him, and he
erred no less against policy than he shined against propriety. In the
existing posture of affairs the government could hardly have adopted a
worse measure than that of throwing disrespect on the nobility. It had it
in its power to flatter the prejudices and feelings of the aristocracy, and
thus artfully and imperceptibly win them over to its plans, and through
them subvert the edifice of national liberty. Now it admonished them,
most inopportunely, of their duties, their dignity, and their power;
calling upon them even to be patriots, and to devote to the cause of true
greatness an ambition which hitherto it had inconsiderately repelled. To
carry into effect the ordinances it required the active co-operation of the
lieutenant-governors; no wonder, however, that the latter showed but
little zeal to afford this assistance. On the contrary, it is highly probable
that they silently labored to augment the difficulties of the minister, and
to subvert his measures, and through his ill-success to diminish the
king's confidence in him, and expose his administration to contempt.
The rapid progress which in spite of those horrible edicts the
Reformation made during Granvella's administration in the Netherlands,
is evidently to be ascribed to the lukewarmness of the nobility in
opposing it. If the minister had been sure of the nobles he might have
despised the fury of the mob, which would have impotently dashed
itself against the dreaded barriers of the throne. The sufferings of the
citizens lingered long in tears and sighs, until the arts and the example
of the nobility called forth a louder expression of them.
Meanwhile the inquisitions into religion were carried on with renewed
vigor by the crowd of new laborers (1561, 1562), and the edicts against
heretics were enforced with fearful obedience. But the critical moment
when this detestable remedy might have been applied was allowed to
pass by; the nation had become too strong and vigorous for such rough
treatment. The new religion could now be extirpated only by the death
of all its professors. The present executions were but so many alluring
exhibitions of its excellence, so many scenes of its triumphs and