The Reign of Mary Tudor | Page 6

James Anthony Froude

roy et royne désignés par le dict testament (encores qu'il soit mal)
prendroient fondement, de l'invahir par la force et que n'y aura moien
d'y résister si vostre majesté ne s'en empesche; ce que avons pesé pour
les grands affaires et empeschemens qu'elle a contre les Françoys et en
divers lieux, que ne semble convenir que l'on concite en ceste saison les
Angloys contre vostre Majesté et ses pays.
Comme n'avons peu communiquer verbalement avec elle, l'avons
advertie desdicts difficultés.... Que si la noblesse ses adhérens, ou le
peuple la desiroit et maintenoit pour royne, il le pourroit démonstrer par
l'effect; que la question estoit grande mêsme entre barbares et gens de
telle condition que les Angloys ... luy touchant ces difficultez pour le
respect de sa personne et pour suyvre la fin de la dicte instruction qu'est
de non troubler le royaulme au désadvantaige de vostre Majesté--The
Ambassadors in England to the Emperor: Papiers d'État du Cardinal
de Granvelle, vol. iv. pp. 19, 20.]
[Footnote 4: Nous avons veu par vos lectres l'advertissement qu'avez
donné soubz main à Madame la princesse nostre cousine, affin qu'elle
ne se laisse forcompter par ceulx qui luy persuadent qu'elle se haste de
se déclairer pour royne, que nous a semblé tres bien pour les raisons et
considerations touschez en vosdictes lectres.--The Emperor to the
Ambassadors: Ibid. pp. 24, 25.]
[Footnote 5: Ne se pouvoient faire grand fondement sur la faveur et
affection que aulcuns particuliers et le peuple peuvent porter à
nostredicte cousine, ne fust que y en y eust plus grant nombre ou des
principaulx, n'estant cela souffisant pour contreminer la negociation si
fondée et de si longue main que le dict duc de Northumberland a
empris avec l'assistance que doubtez de France.--Ibid. pp. 25, 26.]
[Footnote 6: Baoardo.]
In London, during Friday and Saturday, the death of Edward was

known and unknown. Every one talked of it as certain. Yet the Duke of
Northumberland still spoke of him as living, and public business was
carried on in his name. On the 8th of July the mayor and aldermen were
sent for to Greenwich to sign the letters patent. From them the truth
could not be concealed, but they were sworn to secrecy before they
were allowed to leave the palace. The conspirators desired to have
Mary under safe custody in the Tower before the mystery was
published to the world, and another difficulty was not yet got over.
The novelty of a female sovereign, and the supposed constitutional
objection to it, were points in favour of the alteration which
Northumberland was unwilling to relinquish. The "device" had been
changed in favour of Lady Jane; but Lady Jane was not to reign alone:
Northumberland intended to hold {p.004} the reins tight-grasped in his
own hands, to keep the power in his own family, and to urge the sex of
Mary as among the prominent occasions of her incapacity.[7] England
was still to have a king, and that king was to be Guilford Dudley.
[Footnote 7: In the explanation given on the following Tuesday to the
Emperor's ambassadors, Madame Marie was said--"N'estre capable
dudict royaulme pour le divorce faict entre le feu Roy Henry et la
Royne Katherine; se référant aux causes aians meu ledict divorce; et
mesme n'estre suffisante pour l'administration d'icelluy comme estant
femme, et pour la religion."--Papiers d'État du Cardinal de Granvelle,
p. 28. Noailles was instructed to inform the King of France of the good
affection of "the new King" ("le nouveaulx Roy"). He had notice of the
approaching coronation of "the King;" and in the first communication
of Edward's death to Hoby and Morryson in the Netherlands, a "king,"
and not a "queen," was described as on the throne in his place.]
Jane Grey, eldest daughter of the Duke of Suffolk, was nearly of the
same age with Edward. Edward had been precocious to a disease; the
activity of his mind had been a symptom, or a cause, of the weakness of
his body. Jane Grey's accomplishments were as extensive as Edward's;
she had acquired a degree of learning rare in matured men, which she
could use gracefully, and could permit to be seen by others without
vanity or consciousness. Her character had developed with their talents.

At fifteen she was learning Hebrew and could write Greek; at sixteen
she corresponded with Bullinger in Latin at least equal to his own; but
the matter of her letters is more striking than the language, and speaks
more for her than the most elaborate panegyrics of admiring courtiers.
She has left a portrait of herself drawn by her own hand; a portrait of
piety, purity, and free, noble innocence, uncoloured, even to a fault,
with the emotional weaknesses of humanity.[8] While the effects of the
Reformation of England had been chiefly visible
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