the patent had been delivered to the Lord Lieutenant's servant,
instead of to his private secretary; but this excuse is probably no more
happily founded than the one offered.
On Friday, September 20th, the House resolved itself into a committee
"to take into consideration the state of the nation, particularly in
relation to the importing and uttering of copper halfpence and farthings
in this kingdom." After three days' debate, and after examining
competent witnesses under oath, it passed resolutions to the following
effect
(1) That Wood's patent is highly prejudicial to his Majesty's revenue,
and is destructive of trade and commerce, and most dangerous to the
rights and properties of the subject.
(2) That for the purpose of obtaining the patent Wood had notoriously
misrepresented the state of the nation.
(3) That great quantities of the coin had been imported of different
impressions and of much less weight than the patent called for.
(4) That the loss to the nation by the uttering of this coin would amount
to 150 per cent.
(5) That in coining the halfpence Wood was guilty of a notorious fraud.
(6) "That it is the opinion of this Committee, that it hath been always
highly prejudicial to this kingdom to grant the power or privilege of
coining money to private persons; and that it will, at all times, be of
dangerous consequence to grant any such power to any body politic, or
corporate, or any private person or persons whatsoever."[7]
[Footnote 7: "Comm. Journals," vol. iii., pp. 317-325.]
Addresses to his Majesty in conformity with these resolutions were
voted on September 27th.
The House of Lords passed similar resolutions on September 26th, and
voted addresses embodying them on September 28th.[8]
[Footnote 8: "Lords' Journals," vol. ii., pp. 745-751.]
These Addresses received a better attention than did the letters from the
revenue commissioners. The Houses were courteously informed that
their communications would receive His Majesty's careful
consideration. Walpole kept his promise, but not before he had fought
hard to maintain the English prerogative, as he might have called it.
The "secret" history as narrated in Coxe's lively manner, throws some
light on the situation. Coxe really finds his hero's conduct not marked
with "his usual caution." The Lord Lieutenant was permitted to go to
Ireland without proper instructions; the information on which Walpole
acted was not reliable; and he did not sufficiently appreciate the
influence of Chancellor Midleton and his family. "He bitterly accused
Lord Midleton of treachery and low cunning, of having made, in his
speeches, distinction between the King and his ministers, of caballing
with Carteret, Cadogan, and Roxburgh, and of pursuing that line of
conduct, because he was of opinion the opposite party would gain the
ascendency in the cabinet. He did not believe the disturbances to be so
serious as they were represented, nor was he satisfied with the Duke of
Grafton's conduct, as being solely directed by Conolly, but declared
that the part acted by Conolly, almost excused what the Brodricks had
done." Carteret complained to the King and proved to him that
Walpole's policy was a dangerous one. The King became irritated and
Walpole "ashamed." He even became "uneasy," and it is to be supposed,
took a more "cautious" course; for he managed to conciliate the
Brodricks and the powers in Dublin. But the devil was not ill long. The
cabinet crisis resulted in the triumph of Townshend and Walpole, and
the devil got well again. Carteret must be removed and the patent
promoted. But Midleton and the Brodricks must be kept friendly. So
Carteret went to Ireland as Lord Lieutenant, Midleton remained
Chancellor, and constituted a lord justice, and St. John Brodrick was
nominated a member of the Privy Council. Still farther on his
"cautious" way, Ireland must be given some consideration; hence the
Committee of the Privy Council, specially called to inquire into the
grievances complained of by the Irish Houses of Parliament in their
loyal addresses.
The Committee sat for several weeks, and the report it issued forms the
subject of Swift's animadversions in the Drapier's third letter. But the
time spent by the Committee in London was being utilized in quite a
different fashion by Swift in Ireland. "Cautious" as was Walpole, he
had not reckoned with the champion of his political opponents of
Queen Anne's days. Swift had little humour for court intrigues and
cabinet cabals. He came out into the open to fight the good fight of the
people to whom courts and cabinets should be servants and not
self-seeking masters. Whatever doubts the people of Ireland may have
had about the legal validity of their resentment towards Wood and his
coins, were quickly dissipated when they read "A Letter to the Shop
Keepers, Tradesmen, Farmers, and Common People of Ireland,
concerning the Brass Half-pence coined
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