The Progressive Democracy of James M. Cox | Page 6

understand we
stand ready to blot out a dark chapter of our national life and to
pronounce a pardon upon a course of conduct charitably covered by
'they know not what they do.'
"There ought to be in this a special appeal to believers in the living
faith. Its purpose to give to all the universal benefits only a share of
which it claims for itself, its conception of the Golden Rule as the
practical basis for dealings with the world, its high plan to save the
weak and feeble from the power and will of the mighty--these things,
we say, are of the very essence of the true faith.
"It is not a subject for marvel then that practically every
denominational and interdenominational gathering of religious men
that has been held since the Versailles covenant was adopted has
included an endorsement of that great document. Aloof from the
contentions of partisans, freed from the bigotry engendered by
factionalism, looking upon national questions through the windows of
light and truth, the banded followers of the Man of Nazareth have seen
the question that is presented shorn of false claims. In a word,

Christians, speaking organically, with a voice that could not be
misunderstood have stated that they wish the League of Nations.
"For such a League, for the only league now in existence or which has
a fair chance of coming into existence, we are contending. Could the
question be lifted from the arena of partisanship and could the
referendum which we have invoked be by direct ballot, there would be
no opposition. Unfortunately, our system of government has not
provided a choice so direct, nor a manner of expression that would
leave so small doubt as to the sentiment of America. We say this from a
field of personal experience for like the certain rich young man of
Biblical story, we, too, have seen the type of uncompromising partisan
who 'turned away sorrowfully' for party seemed more important than
duty or honor.
"It matters little whether we say that we feel deeply for those across the
seas in their troubles when we fail to act in their behalf. The successful
issue of the war left a duty on our hands, a duty like that which we
performed in Cuba nearly a generation ago and like that which has been
brought close to completion in the Philippines. We faced a Christian
duty toward our associates and even toward the people of enemy lands.
It was our obligation to bind up the wounds of the war and to show by
example the fulfillment of high ideals voiced by the leaders of the
world thought.
"There came to us the divine opportunity to act quickly and with high
Christian purposes. We might with one stroke have become the
counselor and friend of all humanity, its guarantor that all the forces of
morality would be enlisted upon the side of peace. But the precious
moments were wasted in fruitless discussion, in idle bickerings, in
invention of fancied situations, purposely forgetting that the great
purpose of the League of Nations was to band the world together in a
great brotherhood against war. We were to lead the nations back to
peaceful ways but through our own wavering we actually, by reason or
a small coterie of men, we think wrongly advised, have drenched
Europe and Asia with new wars.
"The great heart of America has always been right upon this great issue.

There has never been a time when associations of men and women,
independent of partisanship, have turned from the League proposal.
America gave freely in alms to every war-torn nation in the world. She
sent her devoted bands of workers to relieve distress. She sent her
nurses to heal the sick. She sent her contributions to feed the hungry.
She opened her warehouses to clothe the naked. She willingly gave her
talent, through private auspices, to help bring life back to normal. Her
men of finance gave counsel; they offered credit and we applauded. We
were touched by the works of associations and individuals to lessen
war's terrors and to refound the wrecked civilization. But foolish men,
vain men, envious men forbade our government to do in larger form the
same sort of acts which, done by private auspices, we applauded as
evidence of Christian purpose.
"And the good that we sought to do was lost in our larger neglect.
Weak fears that in helping the world, fantastic forebodings that in
taking our stand for peace everlasting, imaginary perils that in service
we might be surrendering our birthright of independence restrained our
more noble impulses. While famine stalked and the world cried to
heaven for our help we debated selfish questions. Our nation became a
silent but effective partner in undermining Christian civilization,
causing