forsooth, on which the safety of the republic depends. We are
neglecting those things, and thinking them too old-fashioned and
foolish. The forum will be surrounded, every entrance of it will be
blocked up, armed men will be placed in garrison, as it were, at many
points. What then?--whatever is accomplished by those means will be
law. And you will order, I suppose, all those regularly passed decrees to
be engraved on brazen tablets "The consuls consulted the people in
regular form," (Is this the way of consulting the people that we have
received from our ancestors?) "and the people voted it with due
regularity" What people? that which was excluded from the forum?
Under what law did they do so? under that which has been wholly
abrogated by violence and arms? But I am saying all this with reference
to the future, because it is the part of a friend to point out evils which
may be avoided and if they never ensue, that will be the best refutation
of my speech. I am speaking of laws which have been proposed,
concerning which you have still full power to decide either way. I am
pointing out the defects, away with them! I am denouncing violence
and arms, away with them too!
XI. You and your colleague, O Dolabella, ought not, indeed, to be
angry with me for speaking in defence of the republic. Although I do
not think that you yourself will be; I know your willingness to listen to
reason. They say that your colleague, in this fortune of his, which he
himself thinks so good, but which would seem to me more favourable
if (not to use any harsh language) he were to imitate the example set
him by the consulship of his grandfathers and of his uncle,--they say
that he has been exceedingly offended. And I see what a formidable
thing it is to have the same man angry with me and also armed;
especially at a time when men can use their swords with such impunity.
But I will propose a condition which I myself think reasonable, and
which I do not imagine Marcus Antonius will reject. If I have said
anything insulting against his way of life or against his morals, I will
not object to his being my bitterest enemy. But if I have maintained the
same habits that I have already adopted in the republic,--that is, if I
have spoken my opinions concerning the affairs of the republic with
freedom,--in the first place, I beg that he will not be angry with me for
that; but, in the next place, if I cannot obtain my first request, I beg at
least that he will show his anger only as he legitimately may show it to
a fellow-citizen.
Let him employ arms, if it is necessary, as he says it is, for his own
defence: only let not those arms injure those men who have declared
their honest sentiments in the affairs of the republic. Now, what can be
more reasonable than this demand? But if, as has been said to me by
some of his intimate friends, every speech which is at all contrary to his
inclination is violently offensive to him, even if there be no insult in it
whatever; then we will bear with the natural disposition of our friend.
But those men, at the same time, say to me, "You will not have the
same licence granted to you who are the adversary of Caesar as might
be claimed by Piso his father-in-law." And then they warn me of
something which I must guard against; and certainly, the excuse which
sickness supplies me with, for not coming to the senate, will not be a
more valid one than that which is furnished by death.
XII. But, in the name of the immortal gods! for while I look upon you,
O Dolabella, who are most dear to me, it is impossible for me to keep
silence respecting the error into which you are both falling; for I
believe that you, being both men of high birth, entertaining lofty views,
have been eager to acquire, not money, as some too credulous people
suspect, a thing which has at all times been scorned by every
honourable and illustrious man, nor power procured by violence and
authority such as never ought to be endured by the Roman people, but
the affection of your fellow-citizens, and glory. But glory is praise for
deeds which have been done, and the fame earned by great services to
the republic; which is approved of by the testimony borne in its favour,
not only by every virtuous man, but also by the multitude. I would tell
you, O Dolabella, what the fruit of good actions is, if I did
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