The Life of George Washington, Vol. 5 | Page 3

of the Six Nations, those of the Miamis
had also been induced to consent to a conference to be held in the
course of the ensuing spring. Though probability was against the
success of this attempt to restore peace, all offensive operations, on the
part of the United States, were still farther suspended. The Indians did
not entirely abstain from hostilities; and the discontents of the western

people were in no small degree increased by this temporary prohibition
of all incursions into the country of their enemy. In Georgia, where a
desire to commence hostilities against the southern Indians had been
unequivocally manifested, this restraint increased the irritation against
the administration.
The Indian war was becoming an object of secondary magnitude. The
critical and irritable state of things in France began so materially to
affect the United States, as to require an exertion of all the prudence,
and all the firmness, of the government. The 10th[1] of August, 1792,
was succeeded in that nation by such a state of anarchy, and by scenes
of so much blood and horror; the nation was understood to be so
divided with respect to its future course; and the republican party was
threatened by such a formidable external force; that there was much
reason to doubt whether the fallen monarch would be finally deposed,
or reinstated with a greater degree of splendour and power than the
constitution just laid in ruins, had assigned to him. That, in the latter
event, any partialities which might be manifested towards the
intermediate possessors of authority, would be recollected with
indignation, could not be questioned by an attentive observer of the
vindictive spirit of parties;--a spirit which the deeply tragic scenes
lately exhibited, could not fail to work up to its highest possible pitch.
The American minister at Paris, finding himself in a situation not
expected by his government, sought to pursue a circumspect line of
conduct, which should in no respect compromise the United States. The
executive council of France, disappointed at the coldness which that
system required, communicated their dissatisfaction to their minister at
Philadelphia. At the same time, Mr. Morris made full representations of
every transaction to his government, and requested explicit instructions
for the regulation of his future conduct.
[Footnote 1: The day on which the palace of the Tuilleries was stormed
and the royal government subverted.]
The administration entertained no doubt of the propriety of recognizing
the existing authority of France, whatever form it might assume. That
every nation possessed a right to govern itself according to its own will,

to change its institutions at discretion, and to transact its business
through whatever agents it might think proper, were stated to Mr.
Morris to be principles on which the American government itself was
founded, and the application of which could be denied to no other
people. The payment of the debt, so far as it was to be made in Europe,
might be suspended only until the national convention should authorize
some power to sign acquittances for the monies received; and the sums
required for St. Domingo would be immediately furnished. These
payments would exceed the instalments which had fallen due; and the
utmost punctuality would be observed in future. These instructions
were accompanied with assurances that the government would omit no
opportunity of convincing the French people of its cordial wish to serve
them; and with a declaration that all circumstances seemed to destine
the two nations for the most intimate connexion with each other. It was
also pressed upon Mr. Morris to seize every occasion of conciliating
the affections of France to the United States, and of placing the
commerce between the two countries on the best possible footing.[2]
[Footnote 2: With this letter were addressed two others to the ministers
at London and Paris respectively, stating the interest taken by the
President and people of the United States in the fate of the Marquis de
Lafayette. This gentleman was declared a traitor by France, and was
imprisoned by Prussia. The ministers of the United States were to avail
themselves of every opportunity of sounding the way towards his
liberation, which they were to endeavour to obtain by informal
solicitations; but, if formal ones should be necessary, they were to
watch the moment when they might be urged with the best prospect of
success. This letter was written at the sole instance of the President.]
The feelings of the President were in perfect unison with the sentiments
expressed in this letter. His attachment to the French nation was as
strong, as consistent with a due regard to the interests of his own; and
his wishes for its happiness were as ardent, as was compatible with the
duties of a chief magistrate to the state over which he presided.
Devoted to the principles of