The Life and Death of John of Barneveld, Advocate of Holland, 1614-17 | Page 5

ought
to be able to imagine how greatly the religious matter in general
concerns himself and the electoral house of the Palatine, as principal
heads of the religion, and that these vast designs should be resisted
betimes, and with all possible means and might. My Lords the States
have good will, but not sufficient strength, to oppose these great forces
single-handed. One must not believe that without great and prompt
assistance in force from his Majesty and other fellow religionists My

Lords the States can undertake so vast an affair. Do your uttermost duty
there, in order that, ere it be too late, this matter be taken to heart by his
Majesty, and that his authority and credit be earnestly used with other
kings, electors, princes, and republics, that they do likewise. The
promptest energy, good will, and affection may be reckoned on from
us."
Alas! it was easy for his Majesty to take to heart the matter of Conrad
Vorstius, to spend reams of diplomatic correspondence, to dictate
whole volumes for orations brimming over with theological wrath, for
the edification of the States-General, against that doctor of divinity. But
what were the special interests of his son-in-law, what the danger to all
the other Protestant electors and kings, princes and republics, what the
imperilled condition of the United Provinces, and, by necessary
consequence, the storm gathering over his own throne, what the whole
fate of Protestantism, from Friesland to Hungary, threatened by the
insatiable, all-devouring might of the double house of Austria, the
ancient church, and the Papistical League, what were hundred
thousands of men marching towards Bohemia, the Netherlands, and the
duchies, with the drum beating for mercenary recruits in half the
villages of Spain, Italy, and Catholic Germany, compared with the
danger to Christendom from an Arminian clergyman being appointed
to the theological professorship at Leyden?
The world was in a blaze, kings and princes were arming, and all the
time that the monarch of the powerful, adventurous, and heroic people
of Great Britain could spare from slobbering over his minions, and
wasting the treasures of the realm to supply their insatiate greed, was
devoted to polemical divinity, in which he displayed his learning,
indeed, but changed his positions and contradicted himself day by day.
The magnitude of this wonderful sovereign's littleness oppresses the
imagination.
Moreover, should he listen to the adjurations of the States and his
fellow religionists, should he allow himself to be impressed by the
eloquence of Barneveld and take a manly and royal decision in the
great emergency, it would be indispensable for him to come before that
odious body, the Parliament of Great Britain, and ask for money. It
would be perhaps necessary for him to take them into his confidence, to
degrade himself by speaking to them of the national affairs. They might

not be satisfied with the honour of voting the supplies at his demand,
but were capable of asking questions as to their appropriation. On the
whole it was more king-like and statesman-like to remain quiet, and
give advice. Of that, although always a spendthrift, he had an
inexhaustible supply.
Barneveld had just hopes from the Commons of Great Britain, if the
King could be brought to appeal to Parliament. Once more he sounded
the bugle of alarm. "Day by day the Archdukes are making greater and
greater enrolments of riders and infantry in ever increasing mass," he
cried, "and therewith vast provision of artillery and all munitions of war.
Within ten or twelve days they will be before Julich in force. We are
sending great convoys to reinforce our army there. The Prince of
Neuburg is enrolling more and more troops every day. He will soon be
master of Mulheim. If the King of Great Britain will lay this matter
earnestly to heart for the preservation of the princes, electors, and
estates of the religion, I cannot doubt that Parliament would cooperate
well with his Majesty, and this occasion should be made use of to
redress the whole state of affairs."
It was not the Parliament nor the people of Great Britain that would be
in fault when the question arose of paying in money and in blood for
the defence of civil and religious liberty. But if James should venture
openly to oppose Spain, what would the Count of Gondemar say, and
what would become of the Infanta and the two millions of dowry?
It was not for want of some glimmering consciousness in the mind of
James of the impending dangers to Northern Europe and to
Protestantism from the insatiable ambition of Spain, and the
unrelenting grasp of the Papacy upon those portions of Christendom
which were slipping from its control, that his apathy to those perils was
so marked. We have seen his leading motives for inaction,