The Life and Death of John of Barneveld, Advocate of Holland, 1610-12 | Page 2

be confounded.
"They hold this to be the occasion," said the envoys, "to show to all the
world that it is within your power to rescue the affairs of France,
Germany, and of the United Provinces from the claws of those who
imagine for themselves universal monarchy."
They concluded by requesting the King to come to "a resolution on this
affair royally, liberally, and promptly, in order to take advantage of the
time, and not to allow the adversary to fortify himself in his position";
and they pledged the States-General to stand by and second him with
all their power.
The commissioners, having read this letter to Lord Salisbury before
communicating it to the King, did not find the Lord Treasurer very
prompt or sympathetic in his reply. There had evidently been much
jealousy at the English court of the confidential and intimate relations
recently established with Henry, to which allusions were made in the
documents read at the present conference. Cecil, while expressing
satisfaction in formal terms at the friendly language of the States, and
confidence in the sincerity of their friendship for his sovereign,
intimated very plainly that more had passed between the late king and
the authorities of the Republic than had been revealed by either party to
the King of Great Britain, or than could be understood from the letters
and papers now communicated. He desired further information from
the commissioners, especially in regard to those articles of their
instructions which referred to a general rupture. They professed
inability to give more explanations than were contained in the
documents themselves. If suspicion was felt, they said, that the French
King had been proposing anything in regard to a general rupture, either
on account of the retreat of Conde, the affair of Savoy, or anything else,
they would reply that the ambassadors in France had been instructed to
decline committing the States until after full communication and advice
and ripe deliberation with his British Majesty and council, as well as
the Assembly of the States-General; and it had been the intention of the
late king to have conferred once more and very confidentially with
Prince Maurice and Count Lewis William before coming to a decisive
resolution.
It was very obvious however to the commissioners that their statement

gave no thorough satisfaction, and that grave suspicions remained of
something important kept back by them. Cecil's manner was
constrained and cold, and certainly there were no evidences of
profound sorrow at the English court for the death of Henry.
"The King of France," said the High Treasurer, "meant to make a
master- stroke--a coup de maistre--but he who would have all may
easily lose all. Such projects as these should not have been formed or
taken in hand without previous communication with his Majesty of
Great Britain."
All arguments on the part of the ambassadors to induce the Lord
Treasurer or other members of the government to enlarge the succour
intended for the Cleve affair were fruitless. The English troops
regularly employed in the States' service might be made use of with the
forces sent by the Republic itself. More assistance than this it was idle
to expect, unless after a satisfactory arrangement with the present
regency of France. The proposition, too, of the States for a close and
general alliance was coldly repulsed. "No resolution can be taken as to
that," said Cecil; "the death of the French king has very much altered
such matters."
At a little later hour on the same day the commissioners, according to
previous invitation, dined with the King.
No one sat at the table but his Majesty and themselves, and they all
kept their hats on their heads. The King was hospitable, gracious,
discursive, loquacious, very theological.
He expressed regret for the death of the King of France, and said that
the pernicious doctrine out of which such vile crimes grew must be
uprooted. He asked many questions in regard to the United Netherlands,
enquiring especially as to the late commotions at Utrecht, and the
conduct of Prince Maurice on that occasion. He praised the resolute
conduct of the States-General in suppressing those tumults with force,
adding, however, that they should have proceeded with greater rigour
against the ringleaders of the riot. He warmly recommended the Union
of the Provinces.
He then led the conversation to the religious controversies in the
Netherlands, and in reply to his enquiries was informed that the points
in dispute related to predestination and its consequences.
"I have studied that subject," said James, "as well as anybody, and have

come to the conclusion that nothing certain can be laid down in regard
to it. I have myself not always been of one mind about it, but I will bet
that my opinion is the best of any, although I