The Life and Death of John of Barneveld, Advocate of Holland, 1609-14 | Page 5

of May to be razed, and all persons who had

been expelled, or who had emigrated, to be restored to their offices,
property, or benefices. It was also stipulated that no place within the
whole debateable territory should be put in the hands of a third power.
These articles were signed by the ambassadors of France and England,
by the deputies of the Elector-Palatine and of the United Provinces, all
binding their superiors to the execution of the treaty. The arrangement
was supposed to refer to the previous conventions between those two
crowns, with the Republic, and the Protestant princes and powers.
Count Zollern, whom we have seen bearing himself so arrogantly as
envoy from the Emperor Rudolph to Henry IV., was now despatched
by Matthias on as fruitless a mission to the congress at Xanten, and did
his best to prevent the signature of the treaty, except with full
concurrence of the Imperial government. He likewise renewed the
frivolous proposition that the Emperor should hold all the provinces in
sequestration until the question of rightful sovereignty should be
decided. The "proud and haggard" ambassador was not more successful
in this than in the diplomatic task previously entrusted to him, and he
then went to Brussels, there to renew his remonstrances, menaces, and
intrigues.
For the treaty thus elaborately constructed, and in appearance a
triumphant settlement of questions so complicated and so burning as to
threaten to set Christendom at any moment in a blaze, was destined to
an impotent and most unsatisfactory conclusion.
The signatures were more easily obtained than the ratifications.
Execution was surrounded with insurmountable difficulties which in
negotiation had been lightly skipped over at the stroke of a pen. At the
very first step, that of military evacuation, there was a stumble.
Maurice and Spinola were expected to withdraw their forces, and to
undertake to bring in no troops in the future, and to make no invasion
of the disputed territory.
But Spinola construed this undertaking as absolute; the Prince as only
binding in consequence of, with reference to, and for the duration of;
the Treaty of Xanten. The ambassadors and other commissioners,
disgusted with the long controversy which ensued, were making up
their minds to depart when a courier arrived from Spain, bringing not a
ratification but strict prohibition of the treaty. The articles were not to
be executed, no change whatever was to be made, and, above all, Wesel

was not to be restored without fresh negotiations with Philip, followed
by his explicit concurrence.
Thus the whole great negotiation began to dissolve into a shadowy,
unsatisfactory pageant. The solid barriers which were to imprison the
vast threatening elements of religious animosity and dynastic hatreds,
and to secure a peaceful future for Christendom, melted into films of
gossamer, and the great war of demons, no longer to be quelled by the
commonplaces of diplomatic exorcism, revealed its close approach.
The prospects of Europe grew blacker than ever.
The ambassadors, thoroughly disheartened and disgusted, all took their
departure from Xanten, and the treaty remained rather a by-word than a
solution or even a suggestion.
"The accord could not be prevented," wrote Archduke Albert to Philip,
"because it depended alone on the will of the signers. Nor can the
promise to restore Wesel be violated, should Julich be restored. Who
can doubt that such contravention would arouse great jealousies in
France, England, the United Provinces, and all the members of the
heretic League of Germany? Who can dispute that those interested
ought to procure the execution of the treaty? Suspicions will not remain
suspicions, but they light up the flames of public evil and disturbance.
Either your Majesty wishes to maintain the truce, in which case Wesel
must be restored, or to break the truce, a result which is certain if Wesel
be retained. But the reasons which induced your Majesty to lay down
your arms remain the same as ever. Our affairs are not looking better,
nor is the requisition of Wesel of so great importance as to justify our
involving Flanders in a new and more atrocious war than that which
has so lately been suspended. The restitution is due to the tribunal of
public faith. It is a great advantage when actions done for the sole end
of justice are united to that of utility. Consider the great successes we
have had. How well the affairs of Aachen and Mulbeim have been
arranged; those of the Duke of Neuburg how completely re-established.
The Catholic cause, always identical with that of the House of Austria,
remains in great superiority to the cause of the heretics. We should use
these advantages well, and to do so we should not immaturely pursue
greater ones. Fortune changes, flies when we most depend on her, and
delights in making her chief