The Journal of Negro History, Volume 4, 1919 | Page 6

many of them, by living among us, while ours
suffer from your presence. In a word we suffer on each side. If this is
admitted it affords a reason why we should be separated. If we deal
with those who are not free at the beginning and whose intellects are
clouded by slavery we have very poor material to start with. If
intelligent colored men, such as are before me, would move in this
matter much might be accomplished. It is exceedingly important that
we have men at the beginning capable of thinking as white men and not
those who have been systematically opposed."
The place the President proposed at this time was a colony in Central
America, seven days' run from one of the important Atlantic ports by
steamer. He stated that there was great evidence of rich coal mines,

excellent harbors, and that the new colony was situated on the
highways from the Atlantic or Caribbean to the Pacific Oceans. He told
this delegation of men to take their full time in making a reply to him.
The delegation withdrew, and we are unable to discover any
information regarding the reply. Evidently the group of men never
returned to make reply to the appeal of the President.[16]
In the Second Annual Message December 1, 1862, more practical
suggestions were made to Congress by the President. Says he:
"Applications have been made to me by many free Americans of
African descent to favor their emigration, with a view to such
colonization as was contemplated in recent acts of Congress. Other
parties at home and abroad--some upon interested motives, others upon
patriotic considerations, and still others influenced by philanthropic
sentiments have suggested similar measures; while on the other hand
several of the Spanish American Republics have protested against the
sending of such colonies to their respective territories. Under these
circumstances I have declined to move any such colony to any State
without first obtaining the consent of the government, with an
agreement on its part to receive and protect such emigrants in all the
rights of freemen. I have at the same time offered to several States
situated within the tropics, or having colonies there to negotiate with
them, subject to the advice and consent of the Senate, to favor the
voluntary emigration of persons of that class to their respective
territories upon conditions which shall be equal, just and humane.
Liberia and Hayti are as yet the only countries to which colonies of
African descent from here could go with certainty of being received
and adopted as citizens; and I regret to say such persons contemplating
colonization do not seem so willing to go to those countries as to some
others, nor so willing as I think their interest demands. I believe,
however, opinion among them in this respect is improving; and that ere
long there will be an augmented and considerable migration to both
countries from the United States."
Later in the same message Congress is requested to appropriate money
and prepare otherwise for colonizing free colored persons with their
own consent at some place without the United States. The President

continues: "I cannot make it better known than it already is, that I
strongly favor colonization and yet I wish to say there is an objection
urged against free colored persons remaining in the country, which is
largely imaginary, if not sometimes malicious. It is insisted that their
presence would injure and displace white labor and white laborers. Is it
true then that colored people can displace any more white labor by
being free than by remaining slaves? If they stay in their old places they
jostle no white laborers; if they leave their old places they leave them
open to white laborers. Logically then there is neither more nor less of
it. Emancipation even without deportation would probably enhance the
wages of white labor and very surely would not reduce them. Reduce
the supply of black labor by colonizing the black laborer out of the
country and by precisely so much you increase the demand for and
wages of white labor."[17]
Pursuant to the power given the President, negotiations were begun
with the foreign powers having territory or colonies within the tropics,
through the Secretary of State, W. H. Seward, mainly to ascertain if
there was any desire on the part of these governments for entering into
negotiation on the subject of colonization. Negotiations were to be
begun only with those powers which might desire the benefit of such
emigration. It was suggested that a ten years' treaty should be signed
between the United States and the countries desiring immigration. The
latter were required to give specific guarantees for "the perpetual
freedom, protection and equal rights of the colonies and their
descendants." Before and after the transmission of