The History of the Thirty Years War | Page 5

the troubles in Bohemia, is our
guarantee for the continuance of that peace which was the result of the
war. As the sparks of destruction found their way from the interior of
Bohemia, Moravia, and Austria, to kindle Germany, France, and the
half of Europe, so also will the torch of civilization make a path for
itself from the latter to enlighten the former countries.
All this was effected by religion. Religion alone could have rendered
possible all that was accomplished, but it was far from being the SOLE
motive of the war. Had not private advantages and state interests been
closely connected with it, vain and powerless would have been the
arguments of theologians; and the cry of the people would never have
met with princes so willing to espouse their cause, nor the new

doctrines have found such numerous, brave, and persevering
champions. The Reformation is undoubtedly owing in a great measure
to the invincible power of truth, or of opinions which were held as such.
The abuses in the old church, the absurdity of many of its dogmas, the
extravagance of its requisitions, necessarily revolted the tempers of
men, already half-won with the promise of a better light, and
favourably disposed them towards the new doctrines. The charm of
independence, the rich plunder of monastic institutions, made the
Reformation attractive in the eyes of princes, and tended not a little to
strengthen their inward convictions. Nothing, however, but political
considerations could have driven them to espouse it. Had not Charles
the Fifth, in the intoxication of success, made an attempt on the
independence of the German States, a Protestant league would scarcely
have rushed to arms in defence of freedom of belief; but for the
ambition of the Guises, the Calvinists in France would never have
beheld a Conde or a Coligny at their head. Without the exaction of the
tenth and the twentieth penny, the See of Rome had never lost the
United Netherlands. Princes fought in self-defence or for
aggrandizement, while religious enthusiasm recruited their armies, and
opened to them the treasures of their subjects. Of the multitude who
flocked to their standards, such as were not lured by the hope of
plunder imagined they were fighting for the truth, while in fact they
were shedding their blood for the personal objects of their princes.
And well was it for the people that, on this occasion, their interests
coincided with those of their princes. To this coincidence alone were
they indebted for their deliverance from popery. Well was it also for the
rulers, that the subject contended too for his own cause, while he was
fighting their battles. Fortunately at this date no European sovereign
was so absolute as to be able, in the pursuit of his political designs, to
dispense with the goodwill of his subjects. Yet how difficult was it to
gain and to set to work this goodwill! The most impressive arguments
drawn from reasons of state fall powerless on the ear of the subject,
who seldom understands, and still more rarely is interested in them. In
such circumstances, the only course open to a prudent prince is to
connect the interests of the cabinet with some one that sits nearer to the
people's heart, if such exists, or if not, to create it.
In such a position stood the greater part of those princes who embraced

the cause of the Reformation. By a strange concatenation of events, the
divisions of the Church were associated with two circumstances,
without which, in all probability, they would have had a very different
conclusion. These were, the increasing power of the House of Austria,
which threatened the liberties of Europe, and its active zeal for the old
religion. The first aroused the princes, while the second armed the
people.
The abolition of a foreign jurisdiction within their own territories, the
supremacy in ecclesiastical matters, the stopping of the treasure which
had so long flowed to Rome, the rich plunder of religious foundations,
were tempting advantages to every sovereign. Why, then, it may be
asked, did they not operate with equal force upon the princes of the
House of Austria? What prevented this house, particularly in its
German branch, from yielding to the pressing demands of so many of
its subjects, and, after the example of other princes, enriching itself at
the expense of a defenceless clergy? It is difficult to credit that a belief
in the infallibility of the Romish Church had any greater influence on
the pious adherence of this house, than the opposite conviction had on
the revolt of the Protestant princes. In fact, several circumstances
combined to make the Austrian princes zealous supporters of popery.
Spain and Italy, from which Austria derived its principal strength, were
still devoted to the See of Rome with