The History of the Rise, Progress and Accomplishment of the Abolition of the African Slave Trade | Page 9

house on Thursday, the
twenty-third of April, for this purpose. This motion was agreed to; after
which he moved for certain official documents, necessary to throw light
upon the subject in the course of its discussion.
This motion, by means of which the great day of trial was now fixed,
seemed to be the signal for the planters, merchants, and other interested
persons to begin a furious opposition. Meetings were accordingly
called by advertisement. At these meetings much warmth and virulence
were manifested in debate, and propositions breathing a spirit of anger
were adopted. It was suggested there, in the vehemence of passion, that
the Islands could exist independently of the Mother-country; nor were
even threats withheld to intimidate government from effecting the
abolition.
From this time, also, the public papers began to be filled with such
statements as were thought most likely to influence the members of the
House of Commons, previously to the discussion of the question.
The first impression attempted to be made upon them was with respect
to the slaves themselves. It was contended, and attempted to be shown
by the revival of the old argument of human sacrifices in Africa, that
these were better off in the islands than in their own country. It was
contended also, that they were people of very inferior capacities, and
but little removed from the brute creation; whence an inference was
drawn, that their treatment, against which so much clamour had arisen,
was adapted to their intellect and feelings.
The next attempt was to degrade the abolitionists in the opinion of the
house, by showing the wildness and absurdity of their schemes. It was
again insisted upon that emancipation was the real object of the former;
so that thousands of slaves would be let loose in the islands to rob or
perish, and who could never be brought back again into habits of useful
industry.
An attempt was then made to excite their pity in behalf of the planters.
The abolition, it was said, would produce insurrections among the

slaves. But insurrections would produce the massacre of their masters;
and, if any of these should happily escape from butchery, they would
be reserved only for ruin.
An appeal was then made to them on the ground of their own interest
and of that of the people, whom they represented. It was stated that the
ruin of the islands would be the ruin of themselves and of the country.
Its revenue would be half annihilated. Its naval strength would decay.
Merchants, manufacturers and others would come to beggary. But in
this deplorable situation they would expect to be indemnified for their
losses. Compensation indeed must follow. It could not be withheld. But
what would be the amount of it? The country would have no less than
from eighty to a hundred millions to pay the sufferers; and it would be
driven to such distress in paying this sum us it had never before
experienced.
The last attempt was to show them that a regulation of the trade was all
that was now wanted. While this would remedy the evils complained of,
it would prevent the mischief which would assuredly follow the
abolition. The planters had already done their part. The assemblies of
the different islands had most of them made wholesome laws upon the
subject. The very bills passed for this purpose in Jamaica and Grenada
had arrived in England, and might be seen by the public: the great
grievances had been redressed: no slave could now be mutilated or
wantonly killed by his owner; one man could not now maltreat, or
bruise, or wound the slave of another; the aged could not now be turned
off to perish by hunger. There were laws also relative to the better
feeding and clothing of the slaves. It remained only that the trade to
Africa should be put under as wise and humane regulations as the
slavery in the islands had undergone.
These different statements, appearing now in the public papers from
day to day, began, in this early stage of the question, when the subject
in all its bearings was known but to few, to make a considerable
impression upon those, who were soon to be called to the decision of it.
But that, which had the greatest effect upon them, was the enormous
amount of the compensation, which, it was said, must be made. This

statement against the abolition was making its way so powerfully, that
Archdeacon Paley thought it his duty to write, and to send to the
committee, a little treatise called Arguments against the unjust
Pretensions of Slave-dealers and Holders, to be indemnified by
pecuniary Allowances at the public Expense in case the Slave-trade
should be abolished. This treatise, when the substance of it was detailed
in the public