The History of Rome, vol 5 | Page 2

reader due to the architecture of
relative clauses, prepositions, and verbs as carried over from the
original German. It is the preparer's ambition for a second Gutenberg
edition of the History of Rome to reconstruct and clarify the most
turgid specimens.
8) Dr. Mommsen has given his dates in terms of Roman usage, A.U.C.;
that is, from the founding of Rome, conventionally taken to be 753 B.
C. To the end of each volume is appended a table of conversion
between the two systems.

CONTENTS
BOOK V: The Establishment of the Military Monarchy


CHAPTER
I. Marcus Lepidus and Quintus Sertorius
II. Rule of the Sullan Restoration
III. The Fall of the Oligarchy and the Rule of Pompeius
IV. Pompeius and the East
V. The Struggle of Parties during the Absence of Pompeius
VI. Retirement of Pompeius and Coalition of the Pretenders
VII. The Subjugation of the West
VIII. The Joint Rule of Pompeius and Caesar
IX. Death of Crassus--Rupture between the Joint Rulers
X. Brundisium, Ilerda, Pharsalus, and Thapsus
XI. The Old Republic and the New Monarchy
XII. Religion, Culture, Literature, and Art

BOOK FIFTH
The Establishment of the Military Monarchy

Wie er sich sieht so um und um, Kehrt es ihm fast den Kopf herum,
Wie er wollt' Worte zu allem finden? Wie er mocht' so viel Schwall
verbinden? Wie er mocht' immer muthig bleiben So fort und weiter fort
zu schreiben?

Goethe.


Chapter I
Marcus Lepidus and Quintus Sertorius
The Opposition Jurists Aristocrats Friendly to Reform Democrats
When Sulla died in the year 676, the oligarchy which he had restored
ruled with absolute sway over the Roman state; but, as it had been
established by force, it still needed force to maintain its ground against
its numerous secret and open foes. It was opposed not by any single
party with objects clearly expressed and under leaders distinctly
acknowledged, but by a mass of multifarious elements, ranging
themselves doubtless under the general name of the popular party, but
in reality opposing the Sullan organization of the commonwealth on
very various grounds and with very different designs. There were the
men of positive law who neither mingled in nor understood politics, but
who detested the arbitrary procedure of Sulla in dealing with the lives
and property of the burgesses. Even during Sulla's lifetime, when all
other opposition was silent, the strict jurists resisted the regent; the
Cornelian laws, for example, which deprived various Italian
communities of the Roman franchise, were treated in judicial decisions
as null and void; and in like manner the courts held that, where a
burgess had been made a prisoner of war and sold into slavery during
the revolution, his franchise was not forfeited. There was, further, the
remnant of the old liberal minority in the senate, which in former times
had laboured to effect a compromise with the reform party and the
Italians, and was now in a similar spirit inclined to modify the rigidly
oligarchic constitution of Sulla by concessions to the Populares. There
were, moreover, the Populares strictly so called, the honestly credulous
narrow-minded radicals, who staked property and life for the current
watchwords of the party-programme, only to discover with painful
surprise after the victory that they had been fighting not for a reality,
but for a phrase. Their special aim was to re-establish the tribunician

power, which Sulla had not abolished but had divested of its most
essential prerogatives, and which exercised over the multitude a charm
all the more mysterious, because the institution had no obvious
practical use and was in fact an empty phantom--the mere name of
tribune of the people, more than a thousand years later, revolutionized
Rome.
Transpadanes Freedmen Capitalists Proletarians of the Capital The
Dispossessed The Proscribed and Their Adherents
There were, above all, the numerous and important classes whom the
Sullan restoration had left unsatisfied, or whose political or private
interests it had directly injured. Among those who for such reasons
belonged to the opposition ranked the dense and prosperous population
of the region between the Po and the Alps, which naturally regarded the
bestowal of Latin rights in 665(1) as merely an instalment of the full
Roman franchise, and so afforded a ready soil for agitation. To this
category belonged also the freedmen, influential in numbers and wealth,
and specially dangerous through their aggregation in the capital, who
could not brook their having been reduced by the restoration to their
earlier, practically useless, suffrage. In the same position stood,
moreover, the great capitalists, who maintained a cautious silence, but
still as before preserved their tenacity of resentment and their equal
tenacity of power. The populace of the capital, which recognized true
freedom in free bread-corn, was likewise discontented. Still deeper
exasperation prevailed among the burgess-bodies affected by the Sullan
confiscations--whether they