The Great Round World and What Is Going On In It, Vol. 2, No. 23, June 9, 1898 | Page 7

by this route is over 8,000 miles; from San
Francisco to Manila, by way of the Sandwich Islands, is but 7,000
miles; therefore we have at least a week the start of any expedition
which might leave Spain. The troops sent on the three transports which
sailed May 25th will be sufficient to garrison Corregidor Island; with
strong fortifications on this island at the entrance of Manila Bay, it is
believed that we can prevent the entrance of any fleet. The only fleet
which it is possible for Spain to send at this time is Admiral Camara's;
in this there are but two armorclads, the Pelayo and Emperadar Carlos
V. Admiral Dewey would not consider them sufficiently formidable to
give him any anxiety.
Unless we meet with misfortune or great reverses in dealing with the

Spanish forces now at the Philippines, there is little doubt but that they
are ours by this time.
* * * * *
Now that the Philippine Islands are to be kept by us, the previous
regulations in reference to mails have been changed. When war was
declared the Post-Office Department shut off communication with the
Philippine Islands, as well as with other Spanish countries. A new order
has been issued, and mail may now be sent to the Philippine Islands by
way of San Francisco. In times of war this country permits soldiers to
mail letters to their homes without prepaying postage; this is a great
advantage to them, as we can readily understand that while on a
campaign post-offices cannot be reached and postage stamps are not
easy to get. The officers or men have simply to write on the letters,
"Soldier's letter," "Sailor's letter," "Marine's letter," and they will be
carried by post to their destination and postage collected there without
extra charge. Under ordinary circumstances letters will not be carried
unless partly prepaid; and if foreign postage is not fully prepaid a
penalty in the shape of extra postage is added to the regular rate, and
collected upon delivery.
* * * * *
European powers are watching with great interest our movements in the
East. Admiral Dewey's victory, it is considered, has put an end to
Spanish sovereignty in the East. European governments evidently
expect the United States to keep the Philippines, and it is difficult to see
any other solution, as it will certainly not be advisable to return the
islands to Spain, nor would this be consistent with the "war for
humanity's sake." Spain's cruelties in the Philippines have been even
more excessive than in Cuba, and we certainly should not again place
the islands in the hands of that cruel taskmaster, Spain. It has been
suggested that we cede them to some European power; the question is,
Can we do this? These powers are so jealous of each other that they
will not stand quietly by and see any one of their number favored by a
gift of such importance; on the other hand, the presence of an American
colony in Eastern Asia will be a thorn in the side of the great powers;

we have, therefore, to choose which horn of the dilemma we shall
accept. The final settlement of the matter will, no doubt, cause many
new complications and material changes in the traditional policy of our
Government.
* * * * *
The mysterious sailing of the steamship Adria from Key West, a week
ago, has attracted a good deal of comment; it is said that she had on
board many miles of submarine cable, together with the necessary
appliances for grappling, splicing, and laying, and telegraphic
instruments for use on shore. It is believed that the purpose is to cut the
cable off shore, splice a piece to it, and carry it to some unfrequented
spot and there establish a cable station; this would enable our
authorities to communicate quickly with Washington--when the
invasion of Cuba takes place, or to keep the insurgents advised as to
our movements.
* * * * *
A very interesting question of international law has been brought up by
the cutting of the cables by Admiral Dewey; it is claimed that by doing
this he has established an international precedent, for his cutting of the
cable connecting a country at war with another country is a forcible
interference with communication which has not been practised in any
previous war.
The question of cable-cutting has never come up before as a means of
offensive warfare, as it is only in recent years that there has been any
extensive laying of cables. Dewey's example has been followed by the
blockading fleet off Cuba; this fact establishes beyond all peradventure
the position that this Government has assumed. The British
Government evidently believes that in the time of war the right to cut