of great help to me in certain lines."
There was a slight frown on the governor's face. "Mr. Williams, the present head of the department, has held it for many years, is a most efficient man, and I have heard no complaints." "I know that," said his Honour, David Evans, "but he's getting old, and rotation in office is one of the principles of our Bill of Rights."
"I am well aware of that," said the governor, "but retention in office for good and efficient service is one of the principles of our civil service law."
Mr. Evans arose and flicked the ashes from his cigar upon the rich carpet which covered the floor.
"Am I to understand then that you will renominate Williams? Let me say now that there is strong opposition to him in the Council and he may fail of confirmation. Will you send Venton's name in then?"
"I think I should send Mr. Williams' name in again."
"But, suppose he is turned down the second time?" asked Mr. Evans.
"I think I should continue sending in his name until good and sufficient reasons were given for his rejection. This is not a voting contest between two nominees. I am convinced Mr. Williams is the best man for the place. Such being my opinion, to withdraw his name, would be a self-stultification, and, to speak plainly,"--and his jaw was firmly set,--"an acknowledgment that the Council is a stronger arm of the government than the Chief Executive."
Mr. Evans was evidently indignant. "Well, Mr. Venton is backed by men who contribute heartily for campaign expenses. If you can get along without their aid this fall have your man Williams," and Mr. Evans strode from the room with a curt "Good-morning."
The private secretary laid some papers on the governor's desk. The first one that he examined conferred certain valuable privileges, in perpetuity, upon a corporation without requiring any compensation for the franchise. The property thus alienated from public use had been paid for by the people's money. In response to a vigorous push on an electric button, the private secretary appeared.
"Send for Senator Downing. I must see him immediately."
His Excellency thought, "How can the people's so-called representatives give away the property of the people so indiscriminately? It would not do to mention it, without proof, but I am convinced that all such public robberies are for private gain. Ah, good-morning, Senator."
Senator Downing was a short, heavily-built man, with dark hair, black eyes, and a jaw and chin indicative of bull-dog pertinacity.
"In your bill, Senate 513, I notice that the railroad Company is not called upon to pay for the great privilege conferred."
"Why should they? It simply gives them a quick connection with tide- water, and reduced transportation charges means lower prices."
"How will prices be regulated?" was the Governor's query.
"As they always have been," replied the Senator brusquely. "Supply and demand--"
"And by combinations called trusts," added the Governor. "Cannot some provision be made by which the Company will pay a yearly rental? It will reduce the burden of taxation just so much."
"Perhaps if you recommend it, some attention will be given it, but I should not care to prejudice my political standing by endorsing such an amendment."
"I will consider the question carefully," said Quincy, wearily, as he laid down the bill, and Senator Downing departed.
The next bill was what was called "a labour measure." It gave members of trade unions a right demanded by them, called "peaceful picketing;" in other words, during a strike, the right to use argument, persuasion, in fact any rightful inducement to keep a non- union man from working for the "struck" firm or corporation. The bill had been passed by a majority of 48 in the House, and by the narrow margin of one vote in the Senate. A tie had been expected when the President of the Senate, who was a prominent manufacturer was counted upon to kill the bill. If the Governor vetoed it, the Senate would probably sustain the veto, throwing the greater responsibility upon him, each member voting against the bill sheltering himself behind the veto. Thus do partisans play politics with the head of their party. While he was reading the bill the lieutenant-governor was ushered in again.
"Downing has been talking with me about his bill. He says you are going to veto it."
"I did not say so. I asked him his reasons for turning over public property for private use and gain, and he did not seem well-prepared to answer me."
Mr. Evans replied, "The best reason, to my mind is, that the heaviest tax payers, members of our party, are all in favour of the bill."
"Are they numerous enough to elect a governor who will do their bidding?"
"Perhaps not, but their money is powerful enough to do it"--he paused--"if it becomes necessary."
The Governor arose, and Mr. Evans,
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