The Further Adventures of Quincy Adams Sawyer and Masons Corner Folks | Page 5

in good order, but, apparently, the fifth wheel had been put in
condition for use, if it became necessary.
"Here are Mr. Collingwood's endorsements," said Mr. Nutting, as he
placed a large packet of papers on the governor's desk.
"Thank you, Mr. Nutting. I will give them consideration."
Mr. Nutting withdrew, and the lieutenant-governor, who had arrived
late, was given precedence over the others in the reception room. After
the customary salutations, the lieutenant-governor seated himself in the
governor's chair, which Quincy had temporarily vacated, and lighted a
cigar.
"Are you going to send in Venton's name?"
"He is inexperienced."
"I know it, but he'll learn. If, following precedent, I become your
successor, he will be of great help to me in certain lines."
There was a slight frown on the governor's face. "Mr. Williams, the
present head of the department, has held it for many years, is a most
efficient man, and I have heard no complaints." "I know that," said his
Honour, David Evans, "but he's getting old, and rotation in office is one
of the principles of our Bill of Rights."
"I am well aware of that," said the governor, "but retention in office for
good and efficient service is one of the principles of our civil service
law."
Mr. Evans arose and flicked the ashes from his cigar upon the rich

carpet which covered the floor.
"Am I to understand then that you will renominate Williams? Let me
say now that there is strong opposition to him in the Council and he
may fail of confirmation. Will you send Venton's name in then?"
"I think I should send Mr. Williams' name in again."
"But, suppose he is turned down the second time?" asked Mr. Evans.
"I think I should continue sending in his name until good and sufficient
reasons were given for his rejection. This is not a voting contest
between two nominees. I am convinced Mr. Williams is the best man
for the place. Such being my opinion, to withdraw his name, would be
a self-stultification, and, to speak plainly,"--and his jaw was firmly
set,--"an acknowledgment that the Council is a stronger arm of the
government than the Chief Executive."
Mr. Evans was evidently indignant. "Well, Mr. Venton is backed by
men who contribute heartily for campaign expenses. If you can get
along without their aid this fall have your man Williams," and Mr.
Evans strode from the room with a curt "Good-morning."
The private secretary laid some papers on the governor's desk. The first
one that he examined conferred certain valuable privileges, in
perpetuity, upon a corporation without requiring any compensation for
the franchise. The property thus alienated from public use had been
paid for by the people's money. In response to a vigorous push on an
electric button, the private secretary appeared.
"Send for Senator Downing. I must see him immediately."
His Excellency thought, "How can the people's so-called
representatives give away the property of the people so indiscriminately?
It would not do to mention it, without proof, but I am convinced that all
such public robberies are for private gain. Ah, good-morning, Senator."
Senator Downing was a short, heavily-built man, with dark hair, black

eyes, and a jaw and chin indicative of bull-dog pertinacity.
"In your bill, Senate 513, I notice that the railroad Company is not
called upon to pay for the great privilege conferred."
"Why should they? It simply gives them a quick connection with tide-
water, and reduced transportation charges means lower prices."
"How will prices be regulated?" was the Governor's query.
"As they always have been," replied the Senator brusquely. "Supply
and demand--"
"And by combinations called trusts," added the Governor. "Cannot
some provision be made by which the Company will pay a yearly rental?
It will reduce the burden of taxation just so much."
"Perhaps if you recommend it, some attention will be given it, but I
should not care to prejudice my political standing by endorsing such an
amendment."
"I will consider the question carefully," said Quincy, wearily, as he laid
down the bill, and Senator Downing departed.
The next bill was what was called "a labour measure." It gave members
of trade unions a right demanded by them, called "peaceful picketing;"
in other words, during a strike, the right to use argument, persuasion, in
fact any rightful inducement to keep a non- union man from working
for the "struck" firm or corporation. The bill had been passed by a
majority of 48 in the House, and by the narrow margin of one vote in
the Senate. A tie had been expected when the President of the Senate,
who was a prominent manufacturer was counted upon to kill the bill. If
the Governor vetoed it, the Senate would probably sustain the veto,
throwing the greater responsibility upon him,