The Framework of Home Rule

檸The Framework of Home Rule

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Title: The Framework of Home Rule
Author: Erskine Childers
Release Date: February 17, 2005 [EBook #15086]
Language: English
Character set encoding: ISO-8859-1
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THE FRAMEWORK OF HOME RULE
BY
ERSKINE CHILDERS
AUTHOR OF
"THE RIDDLE OF THE SANDS," "WAR AND THE ARME BLANCHE," "GERMAN INFLUENCE ON BRITISH CAVALRY"; EDITOR OF VOL. V. OF THE TIMES "HISTORY OF THE WAR IN SOUTH AFRICA," ETC.
LONDON
EDWARD ARNOLD
1911

CONTENTS

CHAPTER PAGES
INTRODUCTION vii-xvi
I. THE COLONIZATION OF IRELAND AND AMERICA 1-20
II. REVOLUTION IN AMERICA AND IN IRELAND 21-41
III. GRATTAN'S PARLIAMENT 42-59
IV. THE UNION 60-71
V. CANADA AND IRELAND 72-104
VI. AUSTRALIA AND IRELAND 105-119
VII. SOUTH AFRICA AND IRELAND 120-143
VIII. THE ANALOGY 144-149
IX. IRELAND TO-DAY 150-187
X. THE FRAMEWORK OF HOME RULE 188-229
I. The Elements of the Problem 188-197
II. Federal or Colonial Home Rule 198-203
III. The Exclusion or Retention of Irish Members at Westminster 203-213
IV. Irish Powers and their Bearing on Exclusion 213-229
XI. UNION FINANCE 230-257
I. Before the Union 230-231
II. From the Union to the Financial Relations Commission of 1894-1896 232-239
III. The Financial Relations Commission of 1894-1896 239-257
XII. THE PRESENT FINANCIAL SITUATION 258-279
I. Anglo-Irish Finance To-day 258-264
II. Irish Expenditure 264-274
III. Irish Revenue 274-279
XIII. FINANCIAL INDEPENDENCE 280-306
I. The Essence of Home Rule 280-281
II. The Deficit 281-286
III. Further Contribution to Imperial Services 286
IV. Ireland's Share of the National Debt 286
V. Ireland's Share of Imperial Miscellaneous Revenue 287
VI. Irish Control of Customs and Excise 287-294
VII. Federal Finance 294-300
VIII. Alternative Schemes of Home Rule Finance 300-306
XIV. LAND PURCHASE FINANCE 307-321
I. Land Purchase Loans 307-319
II. Minor Loans to Ireland 319-321
XV. THE IRISH CONSTITUTION 322-338
CONCLUSION 339-341
APPENDIX 342-347
INDEX 348-354

INTRODUCTION
My purpose in this volume is to advocate a definite scheme of self-government for Ireland. That task necessarily involves an historical as well as a constructive argument. It would be truer, perhaps, to say that the greater part of the constructive case for Home Rule must necessarily be historical. To postulate a vague acceptance of the principle of Home Rule, and to proceed at once to the details of the Irish Constitution, would be a waste of time and labour. It is impossible even to attempt to plan the framework of a Home Rule Bill without a tolerably close knowledge not only of Anglo-Irish relations, but of the Imperial history of which they form a part. The Act will succeed exactly in so far as it gives effect to the lessons of experience. It will fail at every point where those lessons are neglected. Constitutions which do not faithfully reflect the experience of the sovereign power which accords them, and of the peoples which have to live under them, are at the best perilous experiments liable to defeat the end of their framers.
I shall enter into history only so far as it is relevant to the constitutional problem, using the comparative method, and confining myself almost exclusively to the British Empire past and present. For the purposes of the Irish controversy it is unnecessary to travel farther. In one degree or another every one of the vexed questions which make up the Irish problem has arisen again and again within the circle of the English-speaking races. As a nation we have a body of experience applicable to the case of Ireland incomparably greater than that possessed by any other race in the world. If, from timidity, prejudice, or sheer neglect, we fail to use it, we shall earn the heavy censure reserved for those who sin against the light.
For the comparative sketch I shall attempt, materials in the shape of facts established beyond all controversy are abundant. Colonial history, thanks to colonial freedom, is almost wholly free from the distorting influence of political passion. South African history alone will need revision in the light of recent events. When, under the alchemy of free national institutions, Ireland has undergone the same transformation as South Africa, her unhappy history will be chronicled afresh with a juster sense of perspective and a juster apportionment of responsibility for the calamities which have befallen her. And yet, if we consider the field for partisan bias which Irish history presents, the amount of ground common to writers of all shades of political opinion is now astonishingly large. The result, I think, is due mainly to the good influence of that eminent historian and Unionist politician, the late Professor Lecky. Indeed, an advocate of Home Rule, nervously suspicious of tainted material, could afford to rely solely on his "History of Ireland in the Eighteenth Century," "Leaders of Public