The Fight For The Republic In China | Page 8

B.L. Putnam Weale
frank
and humorous equality--the race thus being the only pure and
untinctured democracy the world has ever known.] The chain which
bound provincial China to the metropolitan government was therefore

in the last analysis finance and nothing but finance; and if the system
broke down in 1911 it was because financial reform--to discount the
new forces of which the steam engine was the symbol--had been
attempted, like military reform, both too late and in the wrong way, and
instead of strengthening, had vastly weakened the authority of the
Throne.
In pursuance of the reform-plan which became popular after the Boxer
Settlement had allowed the court to return to Peking from Hsianfu, the
viceroys found their most essential prerogative, which was the control
of the provincial purse, largely taken from them and handed over to
Financial Commissioners who were directly responsible to the Peking
Ministry of Finance, a Department which was attempting to replace the
loose system of matricular contributions by the European system of a
directly controlled taxation every penny of which would be shown in
an annual Budget. No doubt had time been vouchsafed, and had
European help been enlisted on a large scale, this change could
ultimately have been made successful. But it was precisely time which
was lacking; and the Manchus consequently paid the penalty which is
always paid by those who delay until it is too late. The old theories
having been openly abandoned, it needed only the promise of a
Parliament completely to destroy the dignity of the Son of Heaven, and
to leave the viceroys as mere hostages in the hands of rebels. A few
short weeks of rebellion was sufficient in 1911 to cause the provinces
to revert to their condition of the earlier centuries when they had been
vast unfettered agricultural communities. And once they had tasted the
joys of this new independence, it was impossible to conceive of their
becoming "obedient" again.
Here another word of explanation is necessary to show clearly the
precise meaning of regionalism in China.
What had originally created each province was the chief city in each
region, such cities necessarily being the walled repositories of all
increment. Greedy of territory to enhance their wealth, and jealous of
their power, these provincial capitals throughout the ages had left no
stone unturned to extend their influence in every possible direction and

bring under their economic control as much land as possible, a fact
which is abundantly proved by the highly diversified system of weights
and measures throughout the land deliberately drawn-up to serve as
economic barriers. River- courses, mountain-ranges, climate and soil,
no doubt assisted in governing this expansion, but commercial and
financial greed was the principal force. Of this we have an exceedingly
interesting and conclusive illustration in the struggle still proceeding
between the three Manchurian provinces, Fengtien, Kirin and
Heilungchiang, to seize the lion's share of the virgin land of Eastern
Inner Mongolia which has an "open frontier" of rolling prairies. Having
the strongest provincial capital--Moukden--it has been Fengtien
province which has encroached on the Mongolian grasslands to such an
extent that its jurisdiction to-day envelops the entire western flank of
Kirin province (as can be seen in the latest Chinese maps) in the form
of a salamander, effectively preventing the latter province from
controlling territory that geographically belongs to it. In the same way
in the land- settlement which is still going on the Mongolian plateau
immediately above Peking, much of what should be Shansi territory
has been added to the metropolitan province of Chihli. Though
adjustments of provincial boundaries have been summarily made in
times past, in the main the considerations we have indicated have been
the dominant factors in determining the area of each unit.
Now in many provinces where settlement is age-old, the regionalism
which results from great distances and bad communications has been
greatly increased by race-admixture. Canton province, which was
largely settled by Chinese adventurers sailing down the coast from the
Yangtsze and intermarrying with Annamese and the older
autochthonous races, has a population-mass possessing very distinct
characteristics, which sharply conflict with Northern traits. Fuhkien
province is not only as diversified but speaks a dialect which is
virtually a foreign language. And so on North and West of the Yangtsze
it is the same story, temperamental differences of the highest political
importance being everywhere in evidence and leading to perpetual
bickerings and jealousies. For although Chinese civilization resembles
in one great particular the Mahommedan religion, in that it accepts
without question all adherents irrespective of racial origin,

POLITICALLY the effect of this regionalism has been such that up to
very recent times the Central Government has been almost as much a
foreign government in the eyes of many provinces as the government of
Japan. Money alone formed the bond of union; so long
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