The Federalist Papers | Page 5

Alexander Hamilton, John Jay, James Madison
to offer arguments to prove the
utility of the UNION, a point, no doubt, deeply engraved on the hearts
of the great body of the people in every State, and one, which it may be
imagined, has no adversaries. But the fact is, that we already hear it
whispered in the private circles of those who oppose the new
Constitution, that the thirteen States are of too great extent for any
general system, and that we must of necessity resort to separate
confederacies of distinct portions of the whole.[1] This doctrine will, in
all probability, be gradually propagated, till it has votaries enough to
countenance an open avowal of it. For nothing can be more evident, to
those who are able to take an enlarged view of the subject, than the
alternative of an adoption of the new Constitution or a dismemberment
of the Union. It will therefore be of use to begin by examining the
advantages of that Union, the certain evils, and the probable dangers, to
which every State will be exposed from its dissolution. This shall
accordingly constitute the subject of my next address.
PUBLIUS

1. The same idea, tracing the arguments to their consequences, is held
out in several of the late publications against the new Constitution.
___
FEDERALIST No. 2
Concerning Dangers from Foreign Force and Influence For the
Independent Journal. Wednesday, October 31, 1787
JAY
To the People of the State of New York:
WHEN the people of America reflect that they are now called upon to
decide a question, which, in its consequences, must prove one of the
most important that ever engaged their attention, the propriety of their
taking a very comprehensive, as well as a very serious, view of it, will
be evident.
Nothing is more certain than the indispensable necessity of government,
and it is equally undeniable, that whenever and however it is instituted,
the people must cede to it some of their natural rights in order to vest it
with requisite powers. It is well worthy of consideration therefore,
whether it would conduce more to the interest of the people of America
that they should, to all general purposes, be one nation, under one
federal government, or that they should divide themselves into separate
confederacies, and give to the head of each the same kind of powers
which they are advised to place in one national government.
It has until lately been a received and uncontradicted opinion that the
prosperity of the people of America depended on their continuing
firmly united, and the wishes, prayers, and efforts of our best and
wisest citizens have been constantly directed to that object. But
politicians now appear, who insist that this opinion is erroneous, and
that instead of looking for safety and happiness in union, we ought to
seek it in a division of the States into distinct confederacies or
sovereignties. However extraordinary this new doctrine may appear, it

nevertheless has its advocates; and certain characters who were much
opposed to it formerly, are at present of the number. Whatever may be
the arguments or inducements which have wrought this change in the
sentiments and declarations of these gentlemen, it certainly would not
be wise in the people at large to adopt these new political tenets
without being fully convinced that they are founded in truth and sound
policy.
It has often given me pleasure to observe that independent America
was not composed of detached and distant territories, but that one
connected, fertile, widespreading country was the portion of our
western sons of liberty. Providence has in a particular manner blessed
it with a variety of soils and productions, and watered it with
innumerable streams, for the delight and accommodation of its
inhabitants. A succession of navigable waters forms a kind of chain
round its borders, as if to bind it together; while the most noble rivers
in the world, running at convenient distances, present them with
highways for the easy communication of friendly aids, and the mutual
transportation and exchange of their various commodities.
With equal pleasure I have as often taken notice that Providence has
been pleased to give this one connected country to one united people --
a people descended from the same ancestors, speaking the same
language, professing the same religion, attached to the same principles
of government, very similar in their manners and customs, and who, by
their joint counsels, arms, and efforts, fighting side by side throughout
a long and bloody war, have nobly established general liberty and
independence.
This country and this people seem to have been made for each other,
and it appears as if it was the design of Providence, that an inheritance
so proper and convenient for a band of brethren, united to each other
by the strongest ties, should never be split into
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