The Continental Monthly, Vol. I. February, 1862, No. II. | Page 3

lost. We must clear the
chips away as our work advances. The matter in hand is the war--if you
choose, nothing but the war. But pushing on singly and simply at the
war implies some wisdom and a certain regard to the future and to
consequences. The mere abolitionist of the old school, who regards the
Constitution as a league with death and a covenant with hell, may, if he
pleases, see in the war only an opportunity to wreak vengeance on the
South and free the black. But the 'emancipationist' sees this in a very
different light. He sees that we are not fighting for the Negro, or out of
hatred to anybody. He knows that we are fighting to restore the Union,
and that this is the first great thought, to be carried out at all hazards.
But he feels that this carrying out involves some action at the same
time on the great trouble which first caused the war, and which, if
neglected, will prolong the war forever. He feels that the future of the
greatest republic in existence depends on settling this question now and
forever, and that if it be left to the chances of war to settle itself, there
is imminent danger that even a victory may not prevent a disrupture of
the Union. For, disguise it as we may, there is a vast and uncontrollable
body at the North who hate slavery, and pity the black, and these men
will not be silent or inactive. Did the election of Abraham Lincoln
involve nothing of this? We know that it did. Will this 'extreme left,'
this radical party, keep quiet and do nothing? Why they are the most
fiercely active men on our continent. Let him who would prevent this
battle degenerating into a furious strife between radical abolition and its
opponents weigh this matter well. There are fearful elements at work,
which may be neutralized, if we who fight for the Union will be wise
betimes, and remove the bone of contention.

Above all, let every man bear in mind that, even as the war stands,
something must be done to regulate and settle the Negro question. After
what has been already effected in the border States and South Carolina,
it would be impossible to leave the Negro and his owner in such an
undefined relation as now exists. And yet this very fact--one of the
strongest which can be alleged to prove the necessity of legislation and
order--is cited to prove that the matter will settle itself. Take, for
instance, the following from the correspondence of a daily
cotemporary:--
THE ARMY SPOILING THE SLAVES.--Whatever may be the policy
of the government in regard to the status of the slaves, one thing is
certain, that wherever our army goes, it will most effectually spoil all
the slaves and render them worthless to their masters. This will be the
necessary result, and we think it perfectly useless to disturb the
administration and distract the minds of the people with the everlasting
discussion of this topic. Soon our army will be in Georgia, Florida, and
Louisiana, and the soldiers will carry with their successful arms an
element of liberty that will infuse itself into every slave in those States.
The only hope for the South, if, indeed, it has not passed away, is to
throw down their arms and submit unconditionally to the government.
That is to say, we are to free the slave, only we must not say so! Rather
than take a bold, manly stand, avow what we are actually doing, and
adopt a measure which would at once conciliate and harmonize the
whole North, we are to suffer a tremendous disorder to spring up and
make mischief without end! Can we never get over this silly dread of
worn-out political abuse and grapple fairly with the truth? Are we
really so much afraid of being falsely called abolitionists and
negro-lovers that we can not act and think like _men!_ Here we are
frightened at _names_, dilly-dallying and quarreling over idle words,
when a tremendous crisis calls for acts. But this can not last forever.
Something must be done right speedily for the myriad of blacks whom
we shall soon have on our hands. Barracooning contrabands by
thousands may do for the present, but how as to the morrow? Let it be
repeated again and again, that they who argue against touching the
Negro question at present are putting off from day to day an evil which
becomes terrible as it is delayed. It can not be let alone. Already those
in power at Washington are terrified at its extent, but fear to act, owing

to 'abolition,' while all the time the foul old political ties and intrigues
are gathering closely about. Let us cut