The Conquest of America | Page 5

Cleveland Moffett
the
German idea, war for German Kultur, war at all costs and with any

consequences that one reads with a shudder of amazement:
Germany stands as the supreme arbiter of her own methods. It is of no
consequence whatever if all the monuments ever created, all the
pictures ever painted, and all the buildings ever erected by the great
architects of the world be destroyed, if by their destruction we promote
Germany's victory over her enemies. The commonest, ugliest stone that
marks the burial place of a German grenadier is a more glorious and
venerable monument than all the cathedrals of Europe put together.
They call us barbarians. What of it? We scorn them and their abuse. For
my part, I hope that in this war we have merited the title of barbarians.
Let neutral peoples and our enemies cease their empty chatter, which
may well be compared to the twitter of birds. Let them cease to talk of
the cathedral of Rheims and of all the churches and all the castles in
France which have shared its fate. These things do not interest us. Our
troops must achieve victory. What else matters?
Obviously there are cases where every noble sentiment would impel a
nation to go to war. A solemn promise broken, a deliberate insult to the
flag, an act of intolerable bullying, some wicked purpose of
self-aggrandisement at the expense of weaker nations, anything, in
short, that flaunted the national honour or imperilled the national
integrity would be a call to war that must be heeded by valiant and
high-souled citizens, in all lands. Nor can we have any surety against
such wanton international acts, so long as the fate of nations is left in
the hands of small autocracies or military and diplomatic cliques
empowered to act without either the knowledge or approval of the
people. Wars will never be abolished until the war-making power is
taken from the few and jealously guarded by the whole people, and
only exercised after public discussion of the matters at issue and a
public understanding of inevitable consequences. At present it is
evident that the pride, greed, madness of one irresponsible King,
Emperor, Czar, Mikado or President may plunge the whole world into
war-misery that will last for generations.
There are other cases where war is not only inevitable, but actually
desirable from a standpoint of world advantage. Imagine a highly

civilised and progressive nation, a strong prosperous nation, wisely and
efficiently governed, as may be true, some day, of the United States of
America. Let us suppose this nation to be surrounded by a number of
weak and unenlightened states, always quarrelling, badly and corruptly
managed, like Mexico and some of the Central American republics.
Would it not be better for the world if this strong, enlightened nation
took possession of its backward neighbours, even by force of arms, and
taught them how to live and how to make the best of their neglected
resources and possibilities? Would not these weak nations be more
prosperous and happier after incorporation with the strong nation? Is
not Egypt better off and happier since the British occupation? Were not
the wars that created united Italy and united Germany justified? Does
any one regret our civil war? It was necessary, was it not?
Similarly it is better for the world that we fought and conquered the
American Indians and took their land to use it, in accordance with our
higher destiny, for greater and nobler purposes than they could either
conceive of or execute. It is better for the world that by a revolution
(even a disingenuous one) we took Panama from incompetent
Colombians and, by our intelligence, our courage and our vast
resources, changed a fever-ridden strip of jungle into a waterway that
now joins two oceans and will save untold billions for the commerce of
the earth.
Carrying a step farther this idea of world efficiency through war, it is
probable that future generations will be grateful to some South
American nation, perhaps Brazil, or Chile or the Argentine Republic,
that shall one day be wise and strong enough to lay the foundations on
the field of battle (Mr. Bryan may think this could be accomplished by
peaceful negotiations, but he is mistaken) for the United States of South
America.
And why not ultimately the United States of Europe, the United States
of Asia, the United States of Africa, all created by useful and
progressive wars? Consider the increased efficiency, prosperity and
happiness that must come through such unions of small nations now
trying separately and ineffectively to carry on multiple activities that

could be far better carried on collectively. Our American Union, born
of war, proves this, does it not?
"United we stand, divided we fall," applies not merely to states,
counties and
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