The Condition of the Working-Class in England in 1844 | Page 3

at this moment--as foreseen by me in 1844--are more
and more breaking up England's industrial monopoly. Their
manufactures are young as compared with those of England, but
increasing at a far more rapid rate than the latter; and, curious enough,
they have at this moment arrived at about the same phase of
development as English manufacture in 1844. With regard to America,
the parallel is indeed most striking. True, the external surroundings in
which the working-class is placed in America are very different, but the
same economical laws are at work, and the results, if not identical in
every respect, must still be of the same order. Hence we find in
America the same struggles for a shorter working- day, for a legal
limitation of the working-time, especially of women and children in
factories; we find the truck-system in full blossom, and the
cottage-system, in rural districts, made use of by the "bosses" as a
means of domination over the workers. When I received, in 1886, the
American papers with accounts of the great strike of 12,000
Pennsylvanian coal-miners in the Connellsville district, I seemed but to
read my own description of the North of England colliers' strike of
1844. The same cheating of the workpeople by false measure; the same
truck-system; the same attempt to break the miners' resistance by the
capitalists' last, but crushing, resource,--the eviction of the men out of
their dwellings, the cottages owned by the companies.
I have not attempted, in this translation, to bring the book up to date, or
to point out in detail all the changes that have taken place since 1844.
And for two reasons: Firstly, to do this properly, the size of the book
must be about doubled; and, secondly, the first volume of "Das
Kapital," by Karl Marx, an English translation of which is before the
public, contains a very ample description of the state of the British
working-class, as it was about 1865, that is to say, at the time when
British industrial prosperity reached its culminating point. I should,

then, have been obliged again to go over the ground already covered by
Marx's celebrated work.
It will be hardly necessary to point out that the general theoretical
standpoint of this book--philosophical, economical, political--does not
exactly coincide with my standpoint of to-day. Modern international
Socialism, since fully developed as a science, chiefly and almost
exclusively through the efforts of Marx, did not as yet exist in 1844.
My book represents one of the phases of its embryonic development;
and as the human embryo, in its early stages, still reproduces the
gill-arches of our fish-ancestors, so this book exhibits everywhere the
traces of the descent of modern Socialism from one of its
ancestors,--German philosophy. Thus great stress is laid on the dictum
that Communism is not a mere party doctrine of the working-class, but
a theory compassing the emancipation of society at large, including the
capitalist class, from its present narrow conditions. This is true enough
in the abstract, but absolutely useless, and sometimes worse, in practice.
So long as the wealthy classes not only do not feel the want of any
emancipation, but strenuously oppose the self-emancipation of the
working-class, so long the social revolution will have to be prepared
and fought out by the working-class alone. The French bourgeois of
1789, too, declared the emancipation of the bourgeoisie to be the
emancipation of the whole human race; but the nobility and clergy
would not see it; the proposition--though for the time being, with
respect to feudalism, an abstract historical truth--soon became a mere
sentimentalism, and disappeared from view altogether in the fire of the
revolutionary struggle. And to-day, the very people who, from the
"impartiality" of their superior standpoint, preach to the workers a
Socialism soaring high above their class interests and class struggles,
and tending to reconcile in a higher humanity the interests of both the
contending classes--these people are either neophytes, who have still to
learn a great deal, or they are the worst enemies of the
workers,--wolves in sheeps' clothing.
The recurring period of the great industrial crisis is stated in the text as
five years. This was the period apparently indicated by the course of
events from 1825 to 1842. But the industrial history from 1842 to 1868

has shown that the real period is one of ten years; that the intermediate
revulsions were secondary, and tended more and more to disappear.
Since 1868 the state of things has changed again, of which more anon.
I have taken care not to strike out of the text the many prophecies,
amongst others that of an imminent social revolution in England, which
my youthful ardour induced me to venture upon. The wonder is, not
that a good many of them proved wrong, but that so many of