The Coming Conquest of England | Page 8

our
brave leader. How the French people viewed this defeat has been
plainly seen. The Parisians gave Marchand a splendid ovation as a
national hero, and the French Government seriously contemplated the
possibility of a revolution. We are now in a position to take revenge for
the humiliation which we then endured, probably out of excessive
prudence. If we inscribe the word FASHODA on the tricolour there
will not be in the whole of France a man capable of bearing arms who
will not follow our lead with enthusiasm." It appeared to me to be
politic to assure myself whether the Government or the inspired press
would not perhaps promise the people the recovery of Alsace-Lorraine
as the price of a victorious issue of the war. But the Minister replied
decidedly, "No. The question of Alsace-Lorraine," he declared, "must
remain outside our view as soon as we make up our minds to go in for
practical politics. Nothing could possibly be more fatal than to rouse
bad blood in Germany. For the German Emperor is the tongue of the
balance in which the destinies of the world are weighed. England in her

own esteem has nothing to fear from him. She regards him more as an
Englishman than a German. Her confidence in this respect must not be
disturbed; it forms one of the props on which British arrogance
supports itself. The everlasting assurances of the German Emperor, that
he intends peace and nothing but peace, appear, of course, to confirm
the correctness of this view. But I am certain that the Emperor
William's love of peace has its limits where the welfare and the security
of Germany are seriously jeopardised. In spite of his impulsive
temperament, he is not the ruler to allow himself to be influenced by
every expression of popular clamour, and to be driven by every
ebullition of public feeling, to embark on a decisive course of action.
But he is far-seeing enough to discern at the right moment a real danger,
and to meet it with the whole force of his personality. I do not,
therefore, look upon the hope of gaining him for an ally as a Utopian
dream, and I trust that Russian diplomacy will join with ours in
bringing this alliance about. A war with England without Germany's
support would always be a hazardous enterprise. Of course we are
prepared to embark upon such a war, alike for our friendship with
Russia and for the sake of our national honour, but we could only
promise ourselves a successful issue if all the continental great Powers
join hands in this momentous undertaking."'"
Although the fact of an offensive and defensive alliance with France in
view of a war with England could not have been unknown to the
majority of the assembled company, yet the reading of this despatch,
which was followed with breathless attention, evidently produced a
deep impression. Its publication left no room for doubt that this war
had been resolved on in the highest quarters, and although no loud
manifestation of applause followed its reading, the illustrious
assemblage now breathed freely, and almost all faces wore an
expression of joyous satisfaction.
Only one man, with knitted brows, regarded the scene with serious
disapproval. For decades past he had been regarded as the most
influential man in Russia--as a power, in fact, who had constantly
thwarted the plans of the leading statesmen and had carried his
opinions through with unswerving energy.
This solitary malcontent was Pobiedonostsev, the Chief Procurator of
the Holy Synod, who, despite his grey hairs, was detested only less

than he was feared.
His gloomy mien and his shake of the head had not escaped the
presiding Grand Duke, and the latter evidently considered it to be his
duty to give this man who had enjoyed the confidence of three
successive Tsars an opportunity of recording his divergent opinion.
At his summons the Chief Procurator arose, and, amid complete silence,
said--
"It cannot be my duty to deliver an opinion as to the possibility or on
the prospects of an alliance with Germany, for I am as little acquainted
as any here present with the intentions and plans of the German
Emperor. William II. is the greatest sphinx of our age. He talks much,
and his speeches give the impression of complete sincerity; but who
can guess what is really behind them? That he has formulated a fixed
programme as his life's work, and that he is the man to carry it out,
regardless whether public opinion is on his side or not, thus much
appears to me to be certain. If the subjection of England is a part of his
programme, then the hopes of the French Minister would, in fact, be no
Utopia, only supposing that the Emperor William