The Cleveland Era, A Chronicle of the New Order in Politics | Page 6

school of statesmanship which is drawn upon for filling the great posts
of administration. Not only is this the case under the parliamentary
system in vogue in England, but it is equally the case in Switzerland
whose constitution agrees with that of the United States in forbidding
members of Congress to hold executive office. But somehow the
American Congress fails to produce capable statesmen. It attracts
politicians who display affability, shrewdness, dexterity, and eloquence,
but who are lacking in discernment of public needs and in ability to
provide for them, so that power and opportunity are often associated
with gross political incompetency.* The solutions of the great political
problems of the United States are accomplished by transferring to
Washington men like Hayes and Cleveland whose political experience
has been gained in other fields.
* Of this regrettable fact the whole history of emancipation is a
monument. The contrast between the social consequences of
emancipation in the West Indies, as guided by British statesmanship,
under conditions of meager industrial opportunity, and the social
consequences of emancipation in the United States, affords an
instructive example of the complicated evils which a nation may
experience through the sheer incapacity of its government.
The system of congressional government was subjected to some
scrutiny in 1880-81 through the efforts of Senator George H. Pendleton
of Ohio, an old statesman who had returned to public life after long
absence. He had been prominent in the Democratic party before the war
and in 1864 he was the party candidate for Vice-President. In 1868 he
was the leading candidate for the presidential nomination on a number
of ballots, but he was defeated. In 1869 he was a candidate for
Governor of Ohio but was defeated; he then retired from public life
until 1879 when he was elected to the United States Senate. As a
member of that body, he devoted himself to the betterment of political
conditions. His efforts in this direction were facilitated not only by his
wide political experience but also by the tact and urbanity of his
manners, which had gained for him in Ohio politics the nickname of
"Gentleman George."
In agreement with opinions long previously expressed in Story's

"Commentaries," Senator Pendleton attributed the inefficiency of
national government to the sharp separation of Congress from the
Administration--a separation not required by the Constitution but made
by Congress itself and subject to change at its discretion. He proposed
to admit the heads of executive departments to participation in the
proceedings of Congress. "This system," said he, "will require the
selection of the strongest men to be heads of departments, and will
require them to be well equipped with the knowledge of their offices. It
will also require the strongest men to be the leaders of Congress and
participate in the debate. It will bring those strong men in contact,
perhaps into conflict, to advance the public weal and thus stimulate
their abilities and their efforts, and will thus assuredly result to the
good of the country."* The report--signed by such party leaders as
Allison, Blaine, and Ingalls among the Republicans, and by Pendleton
and Voorhees among the Democrats--reviewed the history of relations
between the executive and legislative branches and closed with the
expression of the unanimous belief of the committee that the adoption
of the measure "will be the first step towards a sound civil service
reform, which will secure a larger wisdom in the adoption of policies,
and a better system in their execution."
* "Senate Report," No. 837, 46th Congress, 3d session, February 4,
1881.
No action was taken on this proposal, notwithstanding the favor with
which it was regarded by many close students of the political
institutions of the country. Public opinion, preoccupied with more
specific issues, seemed indifferent to a reform that aimed simply at
general improvement in governmental machinery. The legislative
calendars are always so heaped with projects that to reach and act upon
any particular measure is impossible, except when there is brought to
bear such energetic pressure as to produce special arrangements for the
purpose, and in this case no such pressure was developed. A companion
measure for civil service reform which was proposed by Senator
Pendleton long remained in a worse situation, for it was not merely left
under the congressional midden heap but was deliberately buried by
politicians who were determined that it should never emerge. That it
did emerge is due to a tragedy which aroused public opinion to an
extent that intimidated Congress.

Want of genuine political principles made factional spirit only the more
violent and depraved. So long as power and opportunity were based not
upon public confidence but upon mere advantage of position, the
contention of party leaders turned upon questions of appointment to
office and the control of party machinery. The Republican national