"that the force intended for North America may
be raised in time to be sent thither next spring; but I not only fear, but
am confident, the proposed augmentation cannot possibly be raised,
and ought not to be depended on."
Barrington was compelled to give an explanation of this state of things,
for the point had been made in and out of Parliament that few recruits
could be had in England, because the particular service was odious to
the people in general. For the government to admit this would have
been clearly fatal; and Barrington argued, per contra, that the scarcity
of soldiers was to be traced to other and concurrent causes. The great
influx of real and nominal wealth of recent years, the consequent
luxury of the times, the very flourishing state of commerce and the
manufactures, and the increased employment thus furnished to the
lower classes, all contributed to keep men out of the army. Above all, it
was represented that the true and natural cause was an actual lack of
men, which was due chiefly to the late increase of the militia, who
could not be called upon to serve except in extreme cases, and who
were not available for the regular force. Barrington, a veteran in official
service, true to the king, and justifying the war--though not at all clear
as to the right of taxing the colonies--no doubt expressed his honest
convictions in making this explanatory speech to the House. There was
much, also, that was true in his words; but, whatever the absolute cause,
the fact did not then, and cannot now escape notice, that in preparing to
uphold the authority of Parliament, and preserve the integrity of her
empire in America, Great Britain, in 1775, found it impossible to
induce a sufficient number of her own subjects to take up arms in her
behalf.
It remained, accordingly, to seek foreign aid. Europe must furnish
England with troops, or the war must stop. The custom of employing
mercenaries was ancient, and universally exercised on the Continent.
Great Britain herself had frequently taken foreign battalions into her
pay, but these were to fight a foreign enemy. It would be a thing new in
her history to engage them to suppress fellow-Englishmen. But the king
regarded war as war, and rebellion a heinous offence; and the character
of the troops serving for him in this case became a secondary matter. A
more serious question was where to get them. No assistance could be
expected from France. Holland declined to lend troops to conquer men
who were standing out for their rights on their own soil. In Prussia,
Frederick the Great expressed the opinion that it was at least
problematical whether America could be conquered, it being difficult to
govern men by force at such a distance. "If you intend conciliation," he
said in conversation to a party of Englishmen, "some of your measures
are too rough; and if subjection, too gentle. In short, I do not
understand these matters; I have no colonies. I hope you will extricate
yourselves advantageously, but I own the affair seems rather
perplexing."[4]
[Footnote 4: "A View of Society and Manners in France, Switzerland,
and Germany." By John Moore, M.D. Lond., 1786. Vol. V., Letter 75.]
Of all the European powers, Russia and the German principalities alone
presented a possible field of encouragement.[5] To the former, King
George looked first; for England's friendly attitude had been of the
greatest advantage to Russia in her campaigns against Turkey. The king,
therefore, at an early date, gave directions that Gunning, the British
Minister at Moscow, should approach the Empress Catherine on the
subject of lending aid; and, on the proper occasion, Gunning held an
interview with Panin, the Russian Prime Minister. Catherine promptly
returned what appeared to be a very favorable reply. To use Gunning's
own words communicating Russia's answer: "The empress had ordered
him (Panin) to give the strongest assurances, and to express them in the
strongest terms, of her entire readiness on this and all other occasions
to give his Majesty every assistance he could desire, in whatever mode
or manner he might think proper. She embraced with satisfaction this
occasion of testifying her gratitude to the king and nation for the
important services she had received in the late war--favors she the more
valued and should not forget as they were spontaneously bestowed....
We were as fully entitled to every succor from her as if the strongest
treaties subsisted."[6]
[Footnote 5: Respecting sentiment in Europe on American affairs, the
English traveller Moore wrote as follows from Vienna in 1775: "Our
disputes with the colonies have been a prevailing topic of conversation
wherever we have been since we left England. The warmth with which
this subject is handled increases every day. At present
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