The Campaign of 1776 around New York and Brooklyn | Page 6

my naval establishment, and greatly augmented my land
forces, but in such a manner as may be the least burthensome to my
kingdoms. I have also the satisfaction to inform you, that I have
received the most friendly offers of foreign assistance, and if I shall
make any treaties in consequence thereof, they shall be laid before
you."
A stranger in Parliament, knowing nothing of the merits of the
controversy, would have assumed from the tone of this speech that the
home government had been grossly wronged by the American colonists,
or at least a powerful faction among them, and that their suppression
was a matter of national honor as well as necessity. But the speech was
inexcusably unjust to the colonists. The charge of design and
double-dealing could not be laid against them, for the ground of their
grievances had been the same from the outset, and their conduct
consistent with single motives; and if independence had been
mentioned at all as yet, it was only as an ulterior resort, and not as an
aim or ambition. The king and the Ministry, on the other hand, were
wedded to strict notions of authority in the central government, and
measured a citizen's fidelity by the readiness with which he submitted
to its policy and legislation. Protests and discussion about "charters"
and "liberties" were distasteful to them, and whoever disputed
Parliament in any case was denounced as strong-headed and factious.
The king's speech, therefore, was no more than what was expected
from him. It reflected the sentiments of the ruling party.
As usual, motions were made in both houses that an humble address in
reply be presented to his Majesty, professing loyalty to his person, and
supporting his views and measures. The mover in the Commons was

Thomas Ackland, who, in the course of his speech at the time, strongly
urged the policy of coercion, and emphasized his approval of it by
declaring that it would have been better for his country that America
had never been known than that "a great consolidated western empire"
should exist independent of Britain. Lyttleton, who seconded the
motion, was equally uncompromising. He objected to making the
Americans any further conciliatory offers, and insisted that they ought
to be conquered first before mercy was shown them.
The issue thus fairly stated by and for the government immediately
roused the old opposition, that "ardent and powerful opposition," as
Gibbon, who sat in the Commons, describes it; and again the House
echoed to attack and invective. Burke, Fox, Conway, Barré, Dunning,
and others, who on former occasions had cheered America with their
stout defence of her rights, were present at this session to resist any
further attempt to impair them. Of the leading spirits, Chatham, now
disabled from public service, alone was absent.
Lord John Cavendish led the way on this side, by moving a substitute
for Ackland's address which breathed a more moderate spirit, and in
effect suggested to his Majesty that the House review the whole of the
late proceedings in the colonies, and apply, in its own way, the most
effectual means of restoring order and confidence there. Of course this
meant concession to America, and it became the signal for the opening
of an impassioned debate. Wilkes, Lord Mayor of London, poured out a
torrent of remonstrances against the conduct of the Ministry, who had
precipitated the nation into "an unjust, ruinous, felonious, and
murderous war." Sir Adam Fergusson, speaking less vehemently and
with more show of sense, defended the government. Whatever causes
may have brought on the troubles, the present concern with him was
how to treat them as they then existed. There was but one choice, in his
estimation--either to support the authority of Great Britain with vigor,
or abandon America altogether. And who, he asked, would be bold
enough to advise abandonment? The employment of force, therefore,
was the only alternative; and, said the speaker, prudence and humanity
required that the army sent out should be such a one as would carry its
point and override opposition in every quarter--not merely beat the

colonists, but "deprive them of all idea of resistance." Gov. Johnstone,
rising in reply, reviewed the old questions at length, and in the course
of his speech took occasion to eulogize the bravery of the provincials at
Bunker Hill. It was this engagement, more than any incident of the war
thus far, that had shown the determination of the "rebels" to fight for
their rights; and their friends in Parliament presented it as a foretaste of
what was to come, if England persisted in extreme measures. Johnstone
besought the House not to wreak its vengeance upon such men as
fought that day; for their courage was deserving, rather, of admiration,
and their conduct of forgiveness. Honorable Temple Lutrell followed