The Boss and the Machine | Page 7

War with Spain. The revolt of the
Progressives in 1912 had a character of its own; but neither of the old
parties squarely joined issue with the Progressives in the contest which
followed. The presidential campaign of 1916 afforded an opportunity to
place on trial before the people a great cause, for there undoubtedly
existed then in the country two great and opposing sides of public
opinion--one for and the other against war with Germany. Here again,
however, the issue was not joined but was adroitly evaded by both the
candidates.
None the less there has been a difference between the two great parties.
The Republican party has been avowedly nationalistic, imperialistic,
and in favor of a vigorous constructive foreign policy. The Democratic
party has generally accepted the lukewarm international policy of
Jefferson and the exaltation of the locality and the plain individual as
championed by Jackson. Thus, though in a somewhat intangible and
variable form, the doctrinal distinctions between Hamilton and
Jefferson have survived.
In the emergence of new issues, new parties are born. But it is one of
the singular characteristics of the American party system that third
parties are abortive. Their adherents serve mainly as evangelists, crying
their social and economic gospel in the political wilderness. If the
issues are vital, they are gradually absorbed by the older parties.
Before the Civil War several sporadic parties were formed. The most
unique was the Anti-Masonic party. It flourished on the hysteria caused
by the abduction of William Morgan of Batavia, in western New York,
in 1826. Morgan had written a book purporting to lay bare the secrets
of Freemasonry. His mysterious disappearance was laid at the doors of
leading Freemasons; and it was alleged that members of this order

placed their secret obligations above their duties as citizens and were
hence unfit for public office. The movement became impressive in
Pennsylvania, Vermont, Massachusetts, Ohio, and New York. It served
to introduce Seward and Fillmore into politics. Even a national party
was organized, and William Wirt, of Maryland, a distinguished lawyer,
was nominated for President. He received, however, only the electoral
votes of Vermont. The excitement soon cooled, and the party
disappeared.
The American or Know-Nothing party had for its slogan "America for
Americans," and was a considerable factor in certain localities,
especially in New York and the Middle States, from 1853 to 1856. The
Free Soil party, espousing the cause of slavery restriction, named
Martin Van Buren as its presidential candidate and polled enough votes
in the election of 1848 to defeat Cass, the Democratic candidate. It did
not survive the election of 1852, but its essential principle was adopted
by the Republican party.
Since the Civil War, the currency question has twice given life to
third-party movements. The Greenbacks of 1876-1884 and the
Populists of the 90's were both of the West. Both carried on for a few
years a vigorous crusade, and both were absorbed by the older parties
as the currency question assumed concrete form and became a
commanding political issue. Since 1872, the Prohibitionists have
named national tickets. Their question, which was always dodged by
the dominant parties, is now rapidly nearing a solution.
The one apparently unreconcilable element in our political life is the
socialistic or labor party. Never of great importance in any national
election, the various labor parties have been of considerable influence
in local politics. Because of its magnitude, the labor vote has always
been courted by Democrats and Republicans with equal ardor but with
varying success.
CHAPTER II.
THE RISE OF THE MACHINE

Ideas or principles alone, however eloquently and insistently
proclaimed, will not make a party. There must be organization. Thus
we have two distinct practical phases of American party politics: one
regards the party as an agency of the electorate, a necessary organ of
democracy; the other, the party as an organization, an army determined
to achieve certain conquests. Every party has, therefore, two aspects,
each attracting a different kind of person: one kind allured by the
principles espoused; the other, by the opportunities of place and
personal gain in the organization. The one kind typifies the body of
voters; the other the dominant minority of the party.
When one speaks, then, of a party in America, he embraces in that term:
first, the tenets or platform for which the party assumes to stand (i.e.,
principles that may have been wrought out of experience, may have
been created by public opinion, or were perhaps merely made out of
hand by manipulators); secondly, the voters who profess attachment to
these principles; and thirdly, the political expert, the politician with his
organization or machine. Between the expert and the great following
are many gradations of party activity, from the occasional volunteer to
the chieftain who devotes all his time to "politics."